Ethnic identity and variation in codeswitching patterns

Helena Halmari
Sam Houston State University

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Abstract

1. Introduction

The protagonist in Dagoberto Gilb’s short story ‘Maria de Covina’ (from his 2001 collection Woodcuts of Women) works at a department store, and in dagoberto-gilbish stream of consciousness rambles about his work, his love of women, everyday topics:

And I’m not meaning to brag, but the truth is I sell, they buy. They’re older women almost always, rich I see now, because the things we have on the racks – cositas como vases and statues and baskets and bowls from Russia, Germany, Africa, Denmark, France, Argentina, everywhere – are originals and they’re expensive. These ladies, maybe they’re older, but a lot really look good for being older, they come in and ask my opinion. They’re smiling when they ask me what I’d like if it was for me. I try to be honest. I smile a lot. I smile because I’m happy.

You know what? Even if I’m wrong, no le hace, I don’t care. Because when I go down the escalator, right at the bottom is Cindy in Cosmetics. She says, “Is your mommy coming for you tonight?” Cindy’s almost blond, very pretty, and way out there. She leans over the glass to get close to me. She wears her blouses a little low-cut. She’s big for being such a flaquita. (Gilb, Woodcuts of Women, 2001: 3–4)

Why is Gilb’s protagonist, in this fictional monologue, mixing Spanish into his English? Maybe for emphasis, maybe to use a word that does not have a perfect counterpart in English, but certainly not for the reason that he does not know English. His English seems to be quite adequate. He is doing what fluent bilinguals do: he is codeswitching, using two languages within the same speech situation. Dagoberto Gilb’s characters are Americans who have their roots in Mexico. They are English-speakers who also speak Spanish to an extent. The guy in the department store uses Spanish, his heritage language, in order to assert his dual Mexican-American identity.

In this article, I look at asynchronous computer-mediated communication as my data source, to show how, despite a similar bilingual background, family members’ codeswitching patterns may show remarkable variation and how this variation may be interpreted as an indication of variation in the strength of ethnic identity. Data from asynchronous CMC will not only provide important support for earlier findings on bilingual codeswitching; it will also open up new perspectives and provide answers to questions that have not arisen in previous investigations, few of which have looked at informal written data.

Codeswitching research is now a legitimate area of linguistics investigation (Myers-Scotton 1993b: 45–47); however, most of the findings have been based on spoken, naturally-occurring conversations. Even though the amount of scholarship on language contact in the written mode has increased considerably during the past few years (e.g., Pahta 2004, Pahta and Nurmi 2007, 2009, Schendl and Wright 2011, Wenzel 1994, Wright 1992, 2000), most of this research so far has focused on highly planned literary texts (e.g., Callahan 2004, Halmari and Adams 2002, Putter 2011, Schendl 1997, 2001, Somerset 2003, Timm 1978, Wenzel 1994, to mention a few; see also Mahootian 2002, 2005 on codeswitching in written media, Leppänen 2008 on mixing of Finnish and English in web writing, and Sebba, Mahootian, and Jonsson 2012).

Informal written discourse, such as e-mail correspondence, is only now starting to be the target of codeswitching research. Hinrichs (2006) is perhaps the only existing monograph on language mixing in e-mails so far; see also Jayantilal (1998) and Ivanova (2007). Leppänen (2007, 2008) has looked at the functions of language mixing in cyberspace and web fiction (see also Leppänen and Nikula 2007 and Leppänen, Nikula, and Kääntä 2008). In fact, research on informal written discourse can provide strong corroborating evidence for the generalizations about codeswitching patterns that have been based predominantly on spoken data.

I will here look into variation in e-mail correspondence between three Finnish-American siblings, growing up in the same family environment. I am specifically interested in how much individual variation there is in the research participants’ codeswitching patterns, and what this variation could be a reflection of.

2. Research participants and the data

What I am reporting here is part of a larger project, a longitudinal case study of the bilingual development of three Finnish-Americans, from whom I have been collecting data for sixteen years. The data collection started in 1991, two years after the research participants (see Illustration 1 below) had immigrated into California. The youngest subject (IH) was 6.8 years old at the time of immigration, the next one (IM) was 7.9, and the oldest one (JJ) was 11.6. (see Table 1). In the larger project, I look at their acquisition of English, incipient loss of Finnish, and, eventually, the attainment of a somewhat balanced state of bilingualism and maintenance of Finnish under the pressure of the majority language, English, with no other support structure than the family to maintain their minority language.

Table 1 summarizes some pertinent information about the three research participants. The list in (1) below summarizes some key differences between them.

(1)    Summary of differences:
JJ:	4 grades of elementary school prior to immigration to California. Studied English in elementary school for two years prior to immigration. After the first year in California wanted to go back to Finland. Returned to Finland, lived with monolingual grandparents, and attended the 6th grade of his old elementary school for the fall semester of 1990. Roughly six months more in Finland during the formative school years than his sisters. Spent 12 months in Finland in the Finnish army.
IM:	First grade in Finland prior to immigration. When 16, returned to Finland for the first year in lukio, the Finnish senior high school (1997–98). Lived with grandparents. During the year, her Finnish writing developed from ‘lubenter’ compositions in the fall to ‘magna cum laude/laudatur’ in the spring, based on the grades given by her teacher.
IH:	No school in Finland prior to immigration. Attended the 6th grade of elementary school in Finland (1994). Returned to Finland for the fall semester of 9th grade. Lived with grandparents.

All three research participants spent summers in Finland and had summer jobs there.

My initial data were spoken data. This article, however, is based on e-mail correspondence from the research participants. The purpose here is to see which of the generalizations based on spoken data will hold, whether the codeswitching patterns have changed, what kinds of codeswitching type the research participants adhere to, what the state of their Finnish is, and whether there are individual differences in the patterns. Most of these question will be addressed in more detail in a more comprehensive study; in this pilot study I focus on one facet of the findings: the orthographic manifestation of strong Finnish identity.

These written data consist of 467 e-mail messages sent by the research participants to each other and other bilingual family members and donated by them for the purposes of this study. The use of all written data materials has been approved by the participants. Altogether, the messages form a 45,340-word corpus. A qualitative comparison will be carried out to several hours of spoken data from the same three research participants from an earlier period of their bilingualism. The results of the comparison show that the generalizations and tendencies proposed in the codeswitching literature and mainly based on spoken data (e.g., Halmari 1997, Muysken 2000; Myers-Scotton 1993a, 2006) apply to written data as well – actually, with even fewer exceptions than those that appear in the spoken data. The differences in the codeswitching patterns between my two data sets are quantitative rather than qualitative: (1) In the e-mail correspondence, alternational switching (see Muysken 2000) is favored at the expense of insertional switching, however, with notable individual differences between the bilinguals in this study, and (2) ‘violations’ against proposed grammatical tendencies are fewer than in spoken data. I propose the lack of discourse triggering (Clyne 1967) in e-mail correspondence as an explanation for at least some of the quantitative differences between the spoken and written data sets.

In this article, I want to make the following points. The syntax and pragmatics of codeswitching patterns have not really changed over sixteen years. Switching is both insertional and alternational (see Muysken 2000). Individual differences in language selection and in the codeswitching patterns are, however, huge.

Table 2 summarizes the data. The e-mail messages from the oldest, male participant, JJ, are quite short (40.4 words on an average); IM donated the fewest messages, but hers were the longest (126.3 words per message on an average), and the youngest, IH, donated the largest number of messages, 257, with the average length of 111.6 words per message:

The comparison of the early bilingual data set (from the year 1991) and the more recent data set (from the years 2003–2007) shows that the grammatical patterns of codeswitching have remained identical and the same grammatical principles explain where switching will occur intrasententially, whether this switching is insertional or alternational. This is an important finding from the point of view of codeswitching theory; it is also a contribution to our understanding of the universal principles of language.

Of Muysken’s (2000) 3-way typology of mixing (insertion, alternation, and congruent lexicalization), my e-mail data set includes only instances of insertional and alternational mixing. Examples from each research participant follow (2–3):

(2)	Insertional switching:
	a.	Joku aika sitten citibankki soitti ja tarjosi 0% korkoo balance transfereihin. (JJ) ‘Some time ago Citybank called and offered 0% interest for balance transfers.’
	b.	siella oli joku event ja siina sit istuttiin auringossa ja koitettiin tavata niin paljon tuttuja kun vaan mahdolista. (IM) ‘There was some event and there we then sat in the sun and tried to meet as many acquaintances as possible.’
	c.	Kun palasimme, Volvo ei kaynyt... vaikka on uusi kallis alternator. (IH) ‘When we returned, the Volvo did not run... even though there is a new expensive alternator.’

In insertional switching, isolated words or phrases (balance transfer, event, alternator) are inserted into another-language sentence frame. In Finnish-English codeswitching, Finnish morphemes may be added to the English insertions, as in (2a): balance transfereihin ‘balance transfer + PLURAL + ILLATIVE’ (literally, ‘into balance transfers’). The words event (2b) and alternator (2c) appear in the required nominative case, which in Finnish has a zero ending.

(3)	Alternational switching:
	a.	Haloo! Kiitoksia kaikille onnitteluista, ja poperoista. [1] Oli aika fancy ravinteli mihin aiti ja zombi raahas mut. I don't know how [IM] knew I really liked flowers? Katotaan kuinka kauan se elaa. Se on nyt keittion poydalla. Olettaisin etta moista tarttee kastella sillon tallon... J. (JJ) ‘Hello! Thanks to everyone for the congratulations, and the food. It was quite a fancy restaurant where mother and zombi dragged me. I don't know how [IM] knew I really liked flowers? Let’s see how long it’ll live. It’s now on the kitchen table. I would suppose that a thing like that needs to be watered every now and then... J.’
	b.	kiitos paljon kutsusta haihin! ilmoitan tassa, etta, joo, aion tulla sinne. you asked for my flight details. no, saa et tuu tarviin niita koska maa aion menna isalle sina ekana paivana. se antaa mersun meian kayttoon, joten maa haen irenen sitten lentokentalta viidestoista paiva. sittten ei tartte ravata edestakasi liikaa. you wont have to pick up either of us that way. so we will both see you guys on the 15th. me ollaan ostettu matchaavat hameet. toivottavasti siella on kaikki hyvin ja ei oo liikaa stressia pakkaamisen jne. kanssa. how are the 'boneheads' as [IH] calls them? ei ole viela tullut emaileja niilta. maa oon tavannut miehen perjantaina. laadukkaan. will tell more later. mentiin ulos [e]:n ja [t]:n kanssa ja siina sit tavattiin. sunnuntaina maa paloin hyde parkissa. siella oli joku event ja siina sit istuttiin auringossa ja koitettiin tavata niin paljon tuttuja kun vaan mahdolista. no, ei tas nyt sen enempaa. kohta nahdaan. moro!! (IM) ‘thanks a lot for the invitation to the wedding! i hereby announce that, yep, i will be there. you asked for my flight details. well, you won’t need them because i’m gonna go to dad’s on that first day. he will let us use the mercedes, so i will pick up irene then from the airport on the fifteenth. that way we don’t have to run back and forth too much. you wont have to pick up either of us that way. so we will both see you guys on the 15th. we have bought matching dresses. hopefully all is well there and there’s not too much stress with the packing etc. how are the 'boneheads' as [IH] calls them? there haven’t been any emails yet from them. i’ve met a man on friday. a quality one. will tell more later. we went out, with [e] and [t], and that’s where we met. on sunday i got sunburned in hyde park. there was some event and there we then sat in the sun and tried to meet as many acquaintances as possible. well, i guess this is all for now. see you soon. cheers!!’
	c.	hei, ostin amazonista lonely planet kirjan. se maksoi ~ $15 ja pistin sen mun luottokortille. can this be my christmas present? thanks. I. (IH) ‘hi, i bought a book lonely planet from amazon. It cost ~ $15 and i put it on my credit card. can this be my christmas present? thanks. I.’

Alternational switching shows the typical patterns of intersentential codeswitching for rhetorical and discourse-organizational purposes, as widely established in the codeswitching literature (see, e.g., Gumperz 1982, Myers-Scotton 1993b, Auer 1984, to mention some seminal work on this). In example (3a), JJ, quite uncharacteristically, switches into English (I don't know how [IM] knew I really liked flowers?) to index the fact that he is joking when he refers to the flower that his sister had – jokingly – sent to him to congratulate him for his newly acquired engineering degree. In (3b), IM uses alternational switching to show topic shift within her lengthy email, where she, interestingly, does not resort to paragraph division to indicate the same: the switched sentences you asked for my flight details, and how are the ‘boneheads’ as [IH] calls them? start new topics. She also uses alternational switching to summarize and evaluate (Hatch 1992, Halmari 1993): you wont have to pick up either of us that way. so we will both see you guys on the 15th. A promise that interrupts a Finnish narrative as a parenthetical is also associated with a switch to English: will tell more later, and in (3c) the speech act of a question (can this be my christmas present?) shows a switch to English. Codeswitching as a discourse-organizational device is, however, not going to be explored further in this article.

3. Individual variation in language-use patterns

A close look at the variation in the language-choice and language-mixing patterns among my three research participants shows that even for siblings growing up in the same household, these patterns are not identical. Factors influencing language-choice and codeswitching patterns and causing variation among siblings are age, birth order, gender, acculturation and assimilation to American culture, motivation to maintain proficiency in Finnish, and ‘ethnic pride’ (cf. Joseph 2004, Pavlenko and Blackledge 2004, Pavlenko 2005, Potowski 2007, Niño-Murcia and Rothman 2008, Kunnas 2009), which in the case of my research participants would be ‘Finnish pride.’

An important finding is that while the grammatical and discourse patterns of codeswitching have remained unaltered across my longitudinal data over sixteen years, there is huge individual variation among the three research participants in the amount of language mixing that they regularly engage in. Table 3 shows the following distribution in e-mail correspondence:

Looking at table 3, we can see that the females, IM and IH, wrote many more mixed e-mails (80 and 83 percent) than their brother, JJ (41 percent). [2] The number of monolingual Finnish e-mails was the highest for the male: 57 percent. The youngest participant (IH, a female) had the smallest number of monolingual Finnish e-mails (7 percent).

An important methodological point is that if we were to look at only group results (as shown in the last, the right hand, column under “Total”) this large individual variation, would not show up. We would see that one fifth of the e-mails are in monolingual Finnish (21 percent), but we would not see that percentage-wise JJ has eight times as many monolingual Finnish messages as IH. We would see that the number of monolingual English messages is small (7 percent), but we would not see that IM, the older female, seems to have a strong tendency to avoid writing monolingual English messages (she wrote only two), whereas the youngest one has the largest percentage of them (10 percent, or twenty-six). And we would not see that for JJ (the oldest, male participant) the percentage of mixed-language e-mails was only half of what this percentage was for the girls (ca. 40 percent as opposed to about 80 percent). And while the girls’ patterns are similar, there is a difference there as well: percentage-wise IM writes more than twice as many monolingual Finnish e-mails as IH, the youngest. (The absolute numbers are about the same; however, remember that IM wrote rarely, but long e-mails; IH wrote often, but her messages were shorter.)

Thus, there are quantitative differences in the research participants’ language choice for their e-mails. But, there is also a clear difference in the way the research participants codeswitch – there are qualitative differences. Table 4 shows the distribution of insertional switching, alternational switching, and switching of discourse markers.

Table 4 shows a large discrepancy in favor of insertional switching by the oldest, male, research participant. Example 4 illustrates one of his many insertional switches:

(4)	Mää otin sen loanin. (JJ)
	I-NOM take-PAST-1SG it-ACC loan-ACC
	‘I took that loan.’

In example (4), JJ takes an English root loan, inserts it into an otherwise Finnish sentence, and gives this root a Finnish accusative suffix. This type of switching is clearly JJ’s preferred codeswitching pattern. Eighty-seven percent of all his codeswitches were insertional. For the girls, the distribution of insertional and alternational switches was much more equal – almost identical for IM (47 percent insertional; 48 percent alternational), with insertional switches very slightly favored by IH (52 percent).

The distribution of switches into insertional vs. alternational reminds me of Shana Poplack’s (1978/81) early claim that different switching types would reflect different levels of bilingual competence. She exemplifies what she calls “intimate” or “fluent” switching with the following example (5):

(5)	Why make Carol	sentarse atras pa’ que	everybody has to move	pa’ que se salga.
		‘sit in the back so’		‘for her to get out’
				(Poplack 1978/1981: 237)

The other type of switching, which Poplack refers to as “emblematic” or “tag switches,” correspond to my “Switching of discourse markers” (as in Table 4 above). Example (6) comes from Poplack:

(6)	Vendía arroz ’n shit.
	‘He sold rice’
	(Poplack 1978/1981: 237)

I do not think that the type of switching that bilinguals engage in can necessarily be connected to issues of bilingual fluency vs. non-fluency. All my three research participants are so fluent in Finnish that they can pass as native speakers of Finnish for extended conversations with Finland-Finns. The girls also pass as native speakers of American English. JJ has a slight Finnish accent, but he is certainly a fluent speaker of English, with a Master’s Degree in Engineering from an American university and with an engineering job in Houston. Therefore, fluency is not an issue. Something else must explain the differences in language choice and codeswitching patterns as reflected in Tables 3 and 4 above. Table 3 indicates that JJ writes fewer monolingually English e-mails than his younger sisters. Table 4 indicates that JJ uses alternational switching much less than her sisters – just like Dagoberto Gilb’s fictional character in excerpt (1) above, he resorts mostly to insertional switching. There are these two differences. However, there is another difference as well. This is JJ’s idiosyncratic way of writing the English words that he inserts into his otherwise mostly Finnish e-mail messages.

4. Orthographic marking of phonological assimilation

In example (2a) above, repeated here as (7), the proper name Citibank in JJ’s e-mail message became ‘citibankki’:

(7)	Joku aika sitten citibankki soitti ja tarjosi 0% korkoo balance transfereihin. (JJ)
	‘Some time ago Citybank called and offered 0% interest for balance transfers.’

I have not counted proper names like Citibank/citibankki as codeswitches because conventionally in codeswitching research proper names are excluded; after all, they do not belong to any one language per se. However, this minor modification in the spelling of citibankki turns out to be part of a pattern which emerges from JJ’s messages. A number of times, he alters the orthographic form of the English word by ‘finnicizing’ the spelling – as if to give the written form ‘a Finnish accent.’

One of the recurring questions in the treatises of spoken codeswitching data has been the issue of phonological assimilation of the embedded language words into the matrix language. Phonological assimilation has, for instance, been used as an indicator of whether a form is a codeswitch or a borrowing, like for instance in the varying pronunciations of the word burrito: in an English utterance, this word can be pronounced ‘with a Spanish accent,’ or ‘with an American-English accent’ with a reduced first vowel, a retroflex liquid, a flap consonant for the grapheme <t>, and a diphthongized final vowel. Some new insight to this discussion can be provided by written bilingual data, now that informal written discourse is available for analysis.

The fact that the oldest, male sibling, who shows the least amount of codeswitching to start with, also resorts to a unique way of orthographically indicating phonological assimilation to Finnish in his written e-mail messages is interesting. Even though he almost never switches completely to English, he – when in need to use English words in his otherwise almost-completely Finnish e-mails – modifies these English words as if to reflect a strong Finnish accent. This modification of English words follows the same principles as reported by Virtaranta (1992) in his dictionary of American Finnish. Virtaranta’s informants were immigrants from the early 20th century, people who were not fully competent in English and who modified English words to fit the Finnish phonotactic rules in their spoken language (e.g., car becoming ‘kaara’; apple becoming ‘äpyli’). What is unique about JJ’s orthographic modifications is their systematicity and prevalent nature, and the fact that, unlike Virtaranta’s informants, he does this despite the fact that he is fully competent in English and certainly knows how the English words are written. This is a finding I have not seen anywhere in the codeswitching literature yet, perhaps because so few analyses of informal bilingual writing exist. Table 5 shows examples of these orthographically marked words:

The phonological assimilation into Finnish phonotactic rules is not complete; the words retain enough consonant clusters that Finnish avoids, as well as letters which stand for sounds that JJ’s Finnish dialect (the Tampere dialect) does not have (<ch, g, f, d, b>), to indicate that this is a conscious effort on the part of JJ to sound both Finnish and American simultaneously. The following e-mail includes three words that have been orthographically modified to look more like Finnish words:

(8)

Tallasen pukkasivat paalle. Eli varmaan sulta tarttis joku pankin statementtijossa nakyis etta oot ottanut rahoja tililtas. Voi olla etta sun tarttee tehda kirje jossa saa selitat naitten rahojen stoorin. Sit noi summatkaan ei varmana tasmaa tarkalleen, mutta katotaan mita ne kaskevat tekemaan. Ei tassa oo mikaan hoppu, aattelin vaan nyt varottaa sua tasta. Tanne ei kuulu juuri mitaan. Toivottavasti kaikki on ookkei siella. (JJ)

‘This is what they forced on us. So, I guess I’d need some bank statement from you that would show that you’ve taken money from your account. It could be that you’ll have to write a letter explaining the story of these funds. Then those sums won’t probably match exactly, but let’s see what they’ll ask us to do. There’s no rush, I just thought I’d warn you about this. There’s nothing new here. Hopefully everything is okay over there.’

The word statement has become ‘statementti’ to indicate the fact that instead of a consonant cluster, a Finnish word would end in a vowel. Story has become ‘stoori’ to reflect a Finnish accent, but both statementti and stoori retain the initial consonant cluster st- which is actually against the Finnish phonotactic rules; therefore, the orthographic modification is not complete. Even the word okay, while commonly used in today’s Finnish as a borrowing in the form‘okay’ has been orthographically modified by JJ to show a Finnish ‘accent’ more clearly: ookkei.

This curious orthographic modification is not employed by IM and IH. Example (9) comes from IM; example (10) is from IH:

(9)	sitten maanantaina on se mun inspection. yikes! (IM)
	‘then on monday i’ll have that inspection. yikes!’

(10)	Attached on budjetti. Kaikki italicsilla on ESTIMATED price. Eli enemman tai vahemman. Boldilla on varmat hinnat. “Paid” columnissa on ne jutut jotka jo saa tai aiti tai me ollaan maksettu. Talossa on kamalan kuuma - meinaan jaada pidemmaks aikaa yliopistolle jossa on air conditioning during the day. (IH)
	‘Attached is the budget. Everything that’s in italics is the ESTIMATED price. So, more or less. The sure prices are in bold. In the “paid” column are the things that either you or mother or we have paid. It’s awfully hot in the house – I’m gonna stay longer at the university where they have air conditioning during the day.’

In (9), the word inspection is not orthographically modified to look more like a Finnish word; there is, for instance, no added letter <i> at the end. In (10), the word attached does not show even morphological assimilation to Finnish; that would be attachattuna. None of the other English words has an altered orthographic form, despite their morphological assimilation. Clearly, IM and IH are not following the same pattern of indicating a Finnish accent via the means of orthography as what JJ does.

5. In sum

The two research participants who were younger at the time of immigration into the United States (6 and 7 years, respectively), show radically more language mixing in their e-mail correspondence than the third subject, who was 11 at the time of immigration. There is also an important difference in the type of switching the oldest research participant engages in: his switches are mainly (albeit not completely) insertional (i.e., switches of individual words). Moreover, the spelling of his insertional switches indicates adaptation of the inserted English words into Finnish phonology, as manifested in the orthography. I take this to be an indication of his strong Finnish identity, also reflected in his reluctance to write totally English-monolingual emails (as illustrated in Table 3) and to switch completely into English (as illustrated in Table 4). This difference may be gender-related and age-related, and is an indication that even in the case of siblings, grown up in the same household, language-choice patterns may be remarkably different. The finding confirms the importance of taking the microlevel aspects of idiolect and individual identity into consideration in codeswitching research.

I hypothesize that even though IM and IH, the younger research participants, overtly claim to be Finnish at heart, they are still more intimately acculturated into the American way of life – reflected in language choice and language-mixing patterns. JJ’s overall avoidance of English and orthographic ‘finnishization’ of English words may be not only an indication of strong Finnish identity but also a gentle reminder to the rest of the family that a complete language shift to English is not acceptable.

Acknowledgements

I want to thank the anonymous reviewer for the valuable and encouraging comments. I take full responsibility for any remaining flaws. I am also grateful to the three research participants, who donated their private electronic messages for this study.

Notes

[1] The e-mails appear in their original form, i.e., they have not been edited for language, typos, capitalization, lack of diacritics, etc. [Go back up]

[2] I want to thank a reviewer for pointing out that this may be a reflection of gendered practices. [Go back up]

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