Queen Elizabeth I’s 24 Letters in the National Library of Russia in Saint Petersburg

Guillaume Coatalen, Cy Cergy Paris Université

The earliest letter was written in 1567, the latest in 1602. Ten holographs to Henri IV are undated.

The order of the letters in this edition follows that in the source volume, National Library of Russia, Fr. F. v. XIV No 6. In the archival volume, these letters are items number 3–26.

 

The transcription is a diplomatic one with expanded abbreviations in italics, additions set between slash bars / /, and missing letters in square brackets [ ]. The queen uses relatively few abbreviations, fewer than clerks penning final sent versions as in Letter 2. [1] This is understandable, for clerks had to write a fair amount of letters per day and needed to save time. Some abbreviations in the holograph letters come from the Latin, like the common abbreviation for ‘que’, a ‘q’, and a yogh-like glyph at the end of ‘quelque’ (recorded in Cappelli (1912) for 14th to 16th-century manuscripts). A tilde is used for extra consonants like ‘m’. The ampersand for ‘et’ is stylized and often little resembles the word ‘et’.

The annotated transcription is followed by English translations which try to decide what the letters may mean without smoothing out the Queen’s ambiguities, which is Harrison’s practice. [2] Compare Harrison’s ‘where the head is removed to the foot, and the heels hold the highest place’ (Harrison 1935: 52) and ‘in which the head is converted into feet and the heels take the part of the head’ which is closer to the idea of metamorphosis in the original French ‘la teste se convertit en pieds & les talons se tein[ ]u lieu de chef’ in Letter 1. Beyond faithfulness, it is hoped that at least traces of Queen Elizabeth I’s peculiar voice might be heard even in the English translation.

 

A holograph addressed to Catherine de Medici, dated 16 October 1567. Published in Strickland (1847: 196–197) and Harrison (1935: 51–52).

Mary, Queen of Scots was held in Lochleven Castle when the letter was written. The queen commends Catherine and her son for the compassion they feel for the captive Queen Mary and then turns to the troubles of Henri III of Navarre (the future Henri IV of France). The letter notes that rebellion may spread from one country to another like a disease. She uses noteworthy idiomatic language and makes an amusing comment on her own anger which was so great that she gave vent to it in French.

Translation:

Superscription:

To Madam my good sister the Queen Mother of the most Christian King

Body:

Having received by your letter, Madam, which Monsieur Pasquier brought me, the honourable intention of yours and of the King my brother regarding my poor cousin the Queen of Scotland, I am extremely pleased to see that a prince takes to heart the wrong caused to someone else, abhorring the metamorphosis in which the head is converted into feet and the heels take the part of the head. I promise you, Madam, that besides my natural character obliges me to wish her total honour since the example would be too terrible for the neighbours to watch and all princes to hear about. For such plagues often look like the infection under an evil planet which starting in a place without wanting to falls very near another, not that – thank God – I have the slightest doubt on my part wishing that neither the King, my good brother, nor another prince had more cause to chastise those evil subjects than I to take revenge on mine who are as faithful to me as I could wish and notwithstanding I will not fail to sympathise with the princes who will feel the need and even the past troubles started in the king’s country anger me so much that Monsieur Pasquier, I believe, thought I was born French by the passions in which he saw me expressing it by words quite strong. Praying you, Madam, that this time you will be able to provide her some pleasure that I will know of as one who will leave me a good friend towards you and in the meantime I will not cease praying the Creator to keep the King and yourself from the hands of evil subjects and to keep both of you under his sacred guard.

In haste, from Hampton Court, this 16 October, your good sister and cousin

Elizabeth R

Endorsement:

[line obscured by binding, probably ‘The Queen of England’] 16^th October 1567 / answered

Endorsement:

16. October. 1567

 

A final scribal copy bearing Nicasius Yetsweirt’s signature (cut off), addressed to Charles IX, dated 6 August 1568.

A letter written on behalf of prisoners held in Marseilles. The queen seems to argue she agreed to release the explorer Jean Ribault, someone of great value who had seriously offended her, and that the king in turn should be willing to free prisoners. In 1563, Ribault was imprisoned in the Tower of London for his association with Thomas Stukeley, a Roman Catholic (see Lowery 1904). The queen tries to appeal to Charles’s pity by alluding to the relatives begging her before her feet to intervene in an attempt at hypotyposis. By painting the scene in a vivid way, she hopes to move him to act, a device Quintilian singles out as particularly efficient in narrations in forensic rhetoric (Institutione Oratoria, 3.8.3.62). The letter belongs to a conventional diplomatic epistolary sub-genre, of which many examples survive.

Translation:

Superscription:

To the highest most excellent and most powerful Prince our dearest and beloved brother and Cousin the most Christian king

Body:

Highest, most excellent and most powerful Prince, dearest and most beloved brother and cousin, to you most affectionately we recommend ourselves. You may recall how we have often spoken to you just as we have to our good sister the Queen your mother through our ambassadors. Certain miserable people among our subjects – in fact quite a few – have been detained chained in your galleys in Marseilles since our last wars, having prayed you to let them enjoy the good of the peace concluded between us as, at your request, we have done to several of your subjects who were prisoners in our kingdom even to a man of the cloth and to which we attach great price as appeared by the supplication that you made to us through your ambassador for his freedom and whom we have greatly offended who deserves extraordinary rigor, namely Jehan Ribault. Which we think assuredly you would have done, we did rather little good which remains. But these past days, and still today, we have found before our feet the miserable mothers, wives and relatives of the poor people requesting us pitifully to use whatever means in our power. We have seen that no effects have come out of this as we hoped, in return for what we began. Which was the cause that we have accepted to write to you the present letter praying you heartily to command and carry out the order that the miserable creatures being approximately eighteen (the remnant of a hundred and fifty who died in such miserable circumstances) be now after so many calamities more than we have ever used with yours, given their full and entire freedom to enjoy their country and the good of the said peace as we have ordered our ambassador to discuss it with you more amply and solicit the execution of our request. To you, highest, most excellent and most powerful prince, dearest and most beloved brother and cousin we pray God to have you under his most sacred and worthy guard. Being in our house of Hatfield, the sixth day of August 1568.

Your good sister and cousin

Elizabeth R

Endorsement/docket:

Letter from the Queen of England from the 6^th day of August 1568 for the release of certain English privateers

Endorsement:

6 August 1568.

 

A final scribal copy bearing Nicasius Yetsweirt’s signature addressed to Catherine de Medici, dated 9 July 1568.

Catherine’s husband, the late king Henri II who died in 1559, owed money to Lady Stafford for entertaining guests of high standing in Mantes, a sum which she lent him. [13] Could her son please pay her back?

Translation:

Superscription:

To the highest most excellent Princess our dearest and beloved sister and Cousin the Queen Mother of the most Christian King

Body:

Highest and most excellent Princess dearest and most beloved sister and cousin very affectionately we recommend ourselves to you. Our faithful and beloved Sir Robert Stafford Knight, the present bearer not having gained satisfaction for the sum of a thousand écus the late king your husband had borrowed from Madam of Stafford his wife to pay back large expenses that she had sustained in the maintenance of certain persons of the town of Mantes which had greatly exceeded them. He is presently on his way to our good brother the king your son to pray him to make payment for the said amount. And although you may have fresh memory of the recommendation which you made in this place by your letters last year. We have let him go because of the favour which he deserves with you without this word of yours to remember you and to pray you heartily, dearest and most beloved sister, to keep control over this matter to such an effect that without delay he may gain entire satisfaction of the said amount, as we are persuaded you will, as it is a just and reasonable matter and also as something in return to us for the prompt and favourable expedition which at your request a Florentine Deodato received in his cause which he had against this said bearer. Which gave us great content as well you will always find us ready to keep the same path to gratify you if such occasions present themselves. As the Creator knows, whom we pray, highest and most excellent princess dearest and most beloved good sister and cousin, to grant you very happy and long life. Written in London, this ninth day of July 1568.

Your good sister and cousin

Elizabeth R.

Endorsement:

9 July 1568.

 

A final scribal copy addressed to Catherine de Medici, dated 26 August 1568.

The letter warns her that she has sent the son of her ambassador, Henry Norris, for an important matter and would like her to welcome him properly. This is his second son, the soldier John Norreys, rather than the eldest son and heir, William. William made a voyage to France in the autumn of 1568, landing at Dieppe on 15 October (TNA SP 70/103, fol. 47). If it had been William who had returned to England between late August and early October, he would have been carrying letters from his father (or even a message from Catherine) and the fact would surely have been noted. There being nothing about a son of Ambassador Norris coming back from France is compelling evidence that the bearer gave his message and then remained, with whatever response he received being embodied in Norris’s despatches to Elizabeth and Cecil. Then, the older son came over a few weeks later. Furthermore, we know from a variety of sources that John served with Henri Prince of Condé (1552–1588), which means from late summer 1568 up to March 1569, and there is no evidence that William served with Condé. Indeed, it would have been awkward for Norris if the oldest son of the ambassador was with the Huguenots, whereas presumably a younger son was less embarrassing. In this connection it is notable that later in 1569, William writes describing going with his father to the camp of the royal army, which is suggestive of no connection with the Huguenots in the third war. [18]

Translation:

Superscription:

To the highest most excellent Princess our good sister and Cousin the Queen mother of the most Christian King

Body:

Highest and most excellent princess our dearest and most beloved good sister and cousin, greetings. Concerning a few important matters we presently send abroad the son of our ambassador Lord Norris, whom we have asked to report to you (Madam) as well as to the king, your son, the consequences of which are quite weighty, and after having heard them, I think you will judge them good. We therefore pray you (Madam) to accept to hear them carefully, and to grant him, according to what our ambassador says in whole and that he will discuss with you, such audience, credit and response as will be the most proper to similar matters; as you would want us to do with one of your ministers or one of your affairs, each time the occasion would arise. Thus (highest and most excellent princess) after our very affectionate recommendations we pray God to have you always under his sacred and solemn guard. Given in our city of Bicester the 26th of August the year of grace 1568 of our reign the tenth :

Your good sister and cousin

Elizabeth R.

Endorsement:

26. August 1568.

Endorsement (by sender):

To the Queen Mother

 

A final scribal copy addressed to Charles IX, dated 1 October 1568.

The queen acknowledges having received his letters of credence by the present bearer, the Bishop of Rennes (Bernardin de Bochetel). (A letter of credence for the bishop sent by Catherine de Medici to the queen dated 12 September 1568 survives in TNA SP 70/102, fol. 60). Norris does not trust him at all. In a letter to Cecil, dated 18 September 1568, he writes, ‘The Bishop of Rennes, who aforetime was of the religion, has in his company one who has letters to the Queen of Scots and other Papists there, of whose delivery it is very necessary to take heed, as also to the number of letters which the Queen of Scots sends from thence’ (CSPF 8: no. 2537).

Translation:

Superscription:

To the highest most excellent and most powerful Prince our dearest and beloved good brother and Cousin the most Christian king .

Body:

Highest and most excellent and most powerful prince, our dearest and most beloved good friend and cousin, greetings. The Bishop of Rennes, the present bearer has presented your letters of credence to us. And according to their contents, we have listened to him at length and heard his message. And have accordingly made the response which he will communicate to you from us. Not desiring to write a longer letter, and trusting his sufficiency, we pray the Creator, highest and most excellent and most powerful prince, our dearest and most beloved good friend and cousin, to keep you under his sacred and solemn guard. Written at our castle of Windsor, the first day of October 1568

Your good sister and cousin

Elizabeth R.

Endorsement:

By the Queen of England the first of October 1568 /

Endorsement:

by the Queen of England the first of October 1568

Endorsement:

1^st October 1568.

 

A final scribal copy addressed to Catherine de Medici, dated 1 October 1568. The content is identical to the one in the preceding letter, sent together as was often the case, but more personal in tone.

Translation:

Superscription:

To the highest & most excellent Princess our good sister and cousin, the Queen Mother of the most Christian King ./.

Body:

Highest and most excellent princess our dearest and most beloved sister and cousin, we salute you. The bearer the Bishop of Rennes having come into our presence furnished with the letters of credence of the king, our good brother your son, and also yours, we have given him audience as you requested. And answered on the points and articles of the business to communicate to the Lord your good brother and to you at his return. And thus not desiring to tell you more about it, and trusting his report, we pray God, highest and most excellent princess our dearest and well beloved good sister and cousin, to keep you in his sacred guard. Written in our castle of Windsor, the first day of October 1568.

Your good sister and cousin

Elizabeth R.

Endorsement (below superscription):

By the Qu

Endorsement (above superscription):

By the Queen of England the first of October 1568 /

Endorsement:

By the Queen of England the first of October 1568

Endorsement:

1^st. October. 1568.

 

A final scribal copy bearing Nicasius Yetsweirt’s signature addressed to Charles IX, dated 9 April 1569.

This is a friendly letter on the sustained amity between both countries. The letter mentions the bearer, Montassier (the scribe spells it ‘Montaffier’ here and in Letter 8), and de la Mothe, the queen’s ambassador.[21] This may be an answer to a letter dated 22 March 1569 (TNA SP 70/106, fol. 53), ‘Knowing the affectionate good will that she has always shown to the prosperity of his affairs, he thinks she will be pleased to hear of his success, and therefore sends M. de Montassier to inform her of the signal victory gained by M. D’Anjou over his rebels’.

Translation:

Superscription:

To the highest most excellent and most powerful Prince our dearest and beloved brother and Cousin the most Christian King ./

Body:

Highest and most excellent and most powerful prince, our dearest and most beloved good brother and cousin, greetings. By this bearer, the Lord of Montaffier, we have received your letters. We thank you heartily for these and for what the said Lord of Montaffier and the Lord de la Mothe (your ambassador here at our court) have informed us orally on your behalf. You have wished to make us participate in your good news by which you give us amply to know the continuation of your love for us and how much you hold dear our mutual intelligence by having us participate in the state of your affairs. We assure you, highest most excellent and most powerful prince, dearest and most beloved good brother and cousin, that we cannot fail to rejoice with you when we hear the success of them is such that it increases your honour and public good, which the said Lord of Montaffier will be able to tell you more amply, which refrains us from telling you more about it here and, trusting his competency, we pray God, highest and most excellent and most powerful prince, dearest and most beloved good friend and cousin, to keep you under his sacred and solemn guard. Written at our castle of Westminster, the ninth day of April 1569

Your good sister and cousin

Elizabeth R.

Endorsement:

The Queen of England 9 August 1569 .

Endorsement:

9. April. 1569.

 

A final scribal copy addressed to Catherine de Medici, dated 9 April 1569.

The queen is well pleased about Catherine’s good health. Montassier will tell her more about her own (good health).

Translation:

Superscription:

To the highest and most excellent Princess our dearest and beloved good sister and Cousin the Queen Mother of the most Christian King .

Body:

Highest and most excellent princess, our dearest and most beloved sister and cousin, greetings. The Lord of Montaffier returning to our good brother and cousin the king your son and yourself, we have not wanted to let him leave without this word in a letter to, apart from what he will be able to tell you orally on my behalf, thank you very affectionately as much for your letter which you have written through him as for the visit he paid us on your part by which, amongst other gracious words he pronounced to us, we have been well contented to hear about the return of your health, praying God that by his infinite kindness he should keep it so for so long that you may enjoy it for many years, and thus see the affairs of our Lord and good brother brought back to good rest and perfect tranquillity by such means as can increase his honour and the good of his kingdom. That should be enough for now, knowing that the Lord of Montaffier will tell you more on the topic, based on what he heard from us and our good health (for which we thank God) in which he left us. So high and most excellent princess, our dearest and well-beloved good sister and cousin, we pray God to keep you in his sacred and worthy guard. Written in our palace of Westminster, the ninth day of April 1569.

Your good sister and cousin

Elizabeth R.

Endorsement:

The Queen of England 9 August 1569

Endorsement:

9. April 1569

 

A final scribal copy addressed to Charles IX, the endorsement indicates it is dated 8 February 1570.

This brief letter notes that she has chosen Norris instead of the present bearer Montlouet since the matters to discuss were quite serious. [23]

Translation:

Superscription:

To the highest most excellent and most powerful Prince our dearest and beloved good brother and cousin the most Christian King ::/

Body:

Highest and most excellent and most powerful prince, our dearest and most beloved good brother and cousin, greetings. We have received your letters of the twenty-seventh of December last, which the Lord of Montlouet, knight of your order and present messenger, has presented to us. And having heard what he has told us on your part on the points contained in them and finding them important, we have deferred by a few days to answer them, which we have since done, however not as amply as he requested. It has appeared to us to be better to give this task to Lord Norris, our ambassador residing at your court. To whom we have asked to do it more amply and, in more detail, praying you to believe him as if he were us. And therefore, not willing to write you a longer letter, we pray God, highest and most excellent and most powerful prince, dearest and most beloved good brother and cousin, to keep you under his sacred and solemn guard. Given at Hampton Court, the eighth day of February 1569 and of our reign the twelfth.

Your good sister and cousin,

Elizabeth R.

Endorsement:

The Queen of England the 8^th of February 1570

 

A final scribal copy addressed to Catherine de Medici, the endorsement indicates it is dated 8 February 1570.

The differences between this and the previous letter suggest that it is quite possible that Elizabeth dictated this letter while Letter 9 may have been composed by Nicasius Yetsweirt or one of the scribes working for him.

The contents are identical to Letter 9.

Translation:

Superscription:

To the highest most excellent and most powerful Princess our dearest and beloved good sister and Cousin, the Queen mother. /:

Body:

Highest and most excellent princess, our dearest and most beloved sister and cousin, greetings. By the Lord of Montlouet, the present bearer, we have received your letters from the king our good brother and your son. And having heard the said Lord on the credit given to him and partly mentioned in your said letters, we have left a bit of time pass (because the matter was one of such importance) before answering them. Which we have partly done, trusting the rest to Lord Norris, our ambassador residing there who will communicate more amply to our Lord our good brother and yourself. Praying you to have faith in what he will tell you as though it come from us, praying our Lord (Highest and most excellent princess our dearest and most beloved sister and cousin) to have you under his most dignified protection. Written at Hampton Court, the eighth day of February 1569 of our reign the twelfth [year].

Your good sister and cousin,

Elizabeth R.

Endorsement:

The Queen of England the 8^th of February 1570

 

A final scribal copy addressed to Henri IV, dated 12 November 1594. Copies survive in TNA SP 78/34: fol. 242 is a clean copy, fol. 245 is a draft in English, and fol. 244 is a corrected draft.

This is a letter of introduction for António, Prior of Crato (1531–1595) who died in Paris a few months later (for papers on him see BL Yelverton MS 141, now Add MS 48126).

Translation:

Superscription:

To the highest most excellent and most powerful Prince, our dearest and beloved good brother and Cousin, the most Christian King.

Body:

Highest, most excellent and most powerful prince, our dearest and most beloved good brother and cousin. The great and notable services which this gentleman has done for the king his master in all the hazards and fortunes he has been through have given such proof of his loyalty that, having gained a singular reputation everywhere, it should be sufficient to make him be loved by all kings and princes, as by those who more than all others have occasion to use people of his rank and merit. In the Islands of the Azores, he has left monuments to his valour and feats which are such that it would be very difficult to find comparable ones. In our kingdom, he has behaved with such wisdom and with such constancy that no matter what traps and violent assaults were laid for him to make him bend the least, he has always held fast and has vigorously pushed them back. Which makes us rightly recommend him in a manner more than ordinary, and ask you as such to receive him, as coming from a Princess who hasn’t been slow (and who will never be) in things on which she could act and that you desired from her, and who purposes to be equally respected by presently wishing from your part to show esteem for this gentleman. The effects and favours that you will be happy to show him, you would not be able to use them for someone to whom we believe ourselves more obliged, and we do not think either that, on the proof that you will be happy with what you do with him, according to the state of your affairs, you would find yourself as well served and pleased by any other as by him. And now,

highest and most excellent and most powerful prince, our dearest and most beloved good brother and cousin, we pray God to give you a very long life, the fullest happiness and success and the confusion of all your enemies. Written at our Castle of Richmond, the 12th of November 1594.

Your well affectionate sister,

Elizabeth R.

Endorsement/docket:

Letter from the Queen of England to the King in favour of the Portuguese gentleman / the 12^th of November 1594

 

The letter, penned in a clerk’s hand, is addressed to François de Saint Paul (d. 1596), seigneur de Vidaussan, the governor of Calais, and is dated 25 August 1595.

TNA SP 78/35, fol. 223, is a letter from the queen to Vidaussan of 23 August 1595 in a different hand, and clearly a draft. Elizabeth would like to know how things are regarding a possible attack by Spain after the disaster of Doullens (besieged and conquered by the Spanish, 14–31 July 1595). In a letter from Francis de Vere to the Earl of Essex dated 22 August 1595, de Vere notes ‘Foukeroles’ (Fouquerolles) is ‘on his way to solicit the Estates to send their army, or a good part thereof, into Flanders for the safety of Calais, which it is thought Fuentes will besiege, promising that the King will join his forces with theirs’ (CP 34.47 in CCP 5: 337x358).

Letter 12 is preceded by a short summary of its contents in a later eighteenth-century hand which may belong to a librarian or clerk at the Abbey of Saint-Germain, where the royal archives were kept – it is not the hand of Abbé Jean-Paul Bignon (Louis XIV’s librarian). A similar hand occurs in contemporary manuscripts of the Harlay collection such as BnF Français MS 15971 fol. 3, and also MS 15540 and the following manuscripts. [25]

Translation:

Superscription:

To Monsieur Vidausan Governor of Calais

Body:

Lord Vidausan, having heard by his Gentleman, sent on the part of our cousins the Prince of Conty, the Count of Saint Pol, the Dukes of Nevers and of Bouillon, the very large increase and reputation that the Spanish forces have acquired since the disaster which occurred at Doullens, and the shock which has been felt by the Province of Picardy, and thereon having been prayed by our cousin to provide counsel and services, they being entirely deprived of means, the king being absent afar and engaged elsewhere. And being concerned about the towns on the border which are most exposed to danger, and namely the one you are in charge of, as being of most importance, and as the ones closest to feel their fury, having been for long coveted by them, since it is not only a sea harbour but a bridle to the neighbouring garrisons. The care which is rooted in us for the affairs of the king our brother, together with his wish to diminish his enemies’ pride, which this ill fortune may have augmented, has moved us to send you immediately this Gentleman, our Servant the Knight Williams, who is well versed in questions of war and well acquainted with you. Having judged him the most proper to communicate from us and to hear from you, the state in which you find yourself to defend yourself, if need be, and more precisely he will tell you, praying you to give him faith and credence. Written in our house of Nonesuch, the 25th of August 1595 of our reign the year 37th.

Your well affectionate,

Elizabeth R

 

The letter is penned in a scribal hand and addressed to Henri IV, and is dated 21 September 1597. Copies exist at TNA SP 78/40, fol. 193 and LMA, CLC/234/MS01752 (formerly Guildhall Library MS 1752), pp. 255-258. The text of the LMA manuscript is printed in Coatalen (2011: 94-99), along with another translation.

In this letter Elizabeth defends the Huguenots and asks for the king’s protection. The Huguenots assembled in Châtellerault on 16 June 1597, a treaty was drafted but not signed. See Henri’s letter to Monsieur de la Force dated 4 August 1597 (Xivrey 1843–1858: 4.819). In a long letter to Monsieur de la Fontaine dated 30 September/10 October 1597, Villeroy bitterly complains of the Huguenots asking the queen to support them (CP 56.1 in CCP 7: 386x410).

Translation:

Superscription:

To the highest most excellent and most powerful Prince our dearest and beloved good brother and Cousin the most Christian King.

Body:

Highest most excellent and most powerful prince, our dearest and most beloved good brother and cousin. For a few years already, the state and matters of the reformed churches in your kingdom have been removed from our thoughts and almost from our ears, just as much because of the assurance which we gave you that in your person, having reached royal dignity, they should find such a firm support about all that could concern their wellbeing that need would not be felt to search for the intercession or favours by others. Also, to avoid the occasion that a few ill intended could take to calumniate my actions towards you, charging them with interference in the state of others. And we would rather wish that there would be neither cause nor subject to ever approach it nearer. But it has happened that while we were thinking about this a gentleman has come to speak to us, sent by the assembled churches in Chatelleraut, with the instruction to inform us just as much about what has been negotiated and treated touching their state since the beginning of your reign, and by themselves amongst themselves with your permission, with you and your counsel, and to find us as well for the intervention of our credit, which they think we may have with you, to facilitate the assurance of the accomplishment of the conditions which could be granted in their favour by those whom you have sent to treat this matter. Having heard these remonstrations, although the same reasons as those that made us in the past avoid to meddle in their affairs, subjected again this time again to our consideration, to withdraw from them. Nevertheless, other reasons presented themselves, more powerful to move us to lend them a hand, which as well seem to us to be as many arguments of very great force to bend you to give them entire satisfaction and content. May you look into the merit of the supplicants or the reason for the things they ask. For we are quite certain that a generous and royal nature such as yours cannot have dropped from his memory the services of those who have shown the most effects when they could least have hoped to profit from them. And who have given remarkable proof of their courage and loyalty in these same dangers, in which the lack of a similar virtue in those who may now hinder your spirit’s goodness, made you need their faithfulness. These considerations on their persons are supported by others worthy of being no less estimated in their long patience, conformity with the state of your affairs and simplicity of their procedures. For they have sworn that they have assembled to discuss their affairs only under your approval and authority granted in memory of their services against the malice of those who wish them ill. We have also seen in what has happened between them and your deputies that the requests they have made to you are far inferior to the favours and conditions which were conceded by the other kings, who had fewer reasons to acknowledge them than you do, even in the edict of January by consent of the states of your Kingdom given by the one who felt only the arms that they had to take up, of necessity. He also points out that the aim of their pursuits is imprinted neither by fickleness, nor ambition, nor any design other than that of the safety of their lives, goods and consciences. Which nature spurs in everyone to look for, and cannot in true justice be denied to those who are such considerable members of your state and recommended by merits thoroughly well-known to your person. There is also another reason which has beckoned us to speak to you so frankly on this topic, which has nothing to do with the care which I have for everything which touches your wellbeing or that of your state, namely the observation we have made on the ways to proceed of those who have more authority in your kingdom on what touches your subjects of the reformed religion. We have always held the opinion that it was deliberate that they made you harsh towards them, so as to give more value to themselves by their weakening, and to impose on you the quasi necessity to confide in and rest on them alone and their means. Advice which was certainly advantageous to its authors, but if it is useful for you to consider this point, you will judge by this consideration that it takes away confidence, goodwill, support and loyalty from these servants, who have given proof of their duty towards you by monuments of their blood, and to throw yourself into the arms of others who have a very short time ago openly shown their true faces and acts of obstinate enemies. It is not our intention to create suspicion of your loyal servants, but only to remind you (if you do not disdain the warning of one who, thank God, has had the experience of a long government) that it is more appropriate to royal duty and prudence to behave universally and equally towards subjects according to the equity of their causes, rather than to get entangled in partial causes and private humours. Which warning we beg you to take in such taste, according to the purity of its source, from which it proceeds, namely from a sincere amity, and to measure with the same yardstick all that besides we have just prayed you to consider on behalf of people very deserving of your grace, and to think that the urgency with which we address it to you is based on no other consideration than the compassion, which is natural to us for all those who are afflicted, and which has no better spokesman for its sincere operations (where it was reasonable to spread them) than yourself, when it was in your case and interest to solicit us for them. If there are certain people in your kingdom who will create another construction to reject our requests, we assure ourselves that they will be recognised by you for bearing these signs of equity and reason that are made by the one who deserves to be respected in reasonable matters and for such as have the honour (despite their enemies’ accusations) to have been the guardians of your youth, the companions of your afflictions, and instruments and principal helps in your best fortunes. For which we beg the one who is their author, to keep you for long, giving you by his grace, highest most excellent and most powerful Prince, our dearest and most loved good friend and cousin, the most proper counsels and advice you could hear. Written in our house of Richmond, the 21st of September in the year 1597 and of our reign the 39th.

Your most affectionate sister,

Elizabeth R

Endorsement (by sender):

French King

Endorsement:

The Queen of England 21. September 1597

 

A later copy produced in France of a letter addressed to Henri IV, dated 15 April 1597. For other copies, see CP 133.168 (CCP 7: 151), and TNA SP 78/39, fol. 167.

The queen complains about the poor state of her hand, and calls her hand ‘scratchings’. She points out her ambassador’s (Mildmay’s) treatment by the king’s advisors and defense by the king. [29] Anthony Mildmay’s difficulties at the French court dated back to February 1597, when the French court was at Rouen for the ‘assemblée des notables’. He was charged with, among other things, trying to recover the debts that the queen was owed by the French king, going back many years. [30] The subject was a particularly contentious one at the beginning of 1597 because Henri IV was suspected by Mildmay, in the event quite rightly, of entertaining preliminary peace overtures from Brussels to bring the war with Spain to a conclusion, without involving the English, as treaty obligations and those debts supposedly required. The beginnings of the trouble are reported in a letter from Mildmay to the Earl of Essex of 16 February 1597 (Birch 1754: 2.281). The incident which is at the heart of the letter took place in the immediate aftermath of the unexpected capture of Amiens by the Spanish on 11 March. It is described in two separate letters, both of them cited in extract in Birch. The incident occurred when Mildmay related a proposition that he made on behalf of the queen orally to Henri IV, that she would only consider releasing additional resources to assist Henri IV recapture Amiens if she were given custody of Calais. Henri IV asked who would be the custodian, and Mildmay’s reply seems to have been the origin of the king’s riposte, reported by Naunton to Essex on 15 March (Birch 1754: 2.302-303). In a further letter about the incident, this time from Naunton to Essex on 17 March, Henri IV apparently came close to assaulting Mildmay (Birch 1754: 2.305). It is understandable why the queen should seek to try and be emollient towards Henri IV whilst continue to exploit the situation of the capture of Amiens to best effect, removing the danger of a separately negotiated peace accord and securing some return on the capital expended in France on Henri IV’s behalf.

Translation:

Body:

It would not have been possible, my dearest brother, for my quill to remain so long dry without writing to you, had it not been for the loosening of a nerve, on the part of one of my friends, which forced me to stop it from accomplishing such a task. When I heard what a poor impression you had of my ambassador, I would not have failed to let you know the serious insults which were done to him, contrary to his letters, if by his writings I had not heard that you alone constantly opposed the doings of your counsellors. On my part, I would have suspected such reserves and would have avoided keeping such an unsuitable tool in such an important place. But hoping he has already well enough answered to satisfy you, I will leave this subject, and turn to the negotiation which Monsieur de Fouquerolles has communicated to me from you. I have discussed my affairs so thoroughly with him, sharing with him my very urgent occasions which greatly touch me in matters of state, with the pressing insults which our enemy prepares for me from all sides, with a declaration of my devoted and intimate affections towards you. And I think it to be very necessary, expressed by my ambassador, to deduce more amply my resolutions founded on points as wanting as any prince might have. For life must not be more recommended to a good prince than the conservation of his kingdoms in which if I received an affront, even if it is but the taking of a town I assure you it would accompany me to the tomb, having never been, thank God, having never felt the itch of a temptation and of a persuasion to help you. I will never be surprised by such a bad impression and believe that any necessity would force you to wrong the true faith, show yourself ungrateful, be hated by the most loving subjects and abandoned by the most indifferent. God forbid I should breathe before committing this injurious act, such an evil thought is very far from my trust inhabiting you. I would only pray you, in order to lose it, to put yourself in my shoes and then judge what you would do to another prince and assure me that your best judgement confesses that these are no more than chimeras or feeble fantasies to such reasons which hold the said roots attached to such pricking necessities. And to stop tiring your eyes with my scratchings, I will finish these lines with the sincere request to God for your long conservation according to your wish.

Your most affectionate good sister

Elizabeth R

Endorsement:

The Queen of England 18 of April 1591

 

An undated holograph to Henri IV.

The letter discusses Brest being threatened by the enemy, and Henri’s diplomatic ties with Spain and faithfulness to the queen. Philip II planned to invade England or Ireland from the strategic port of Brest after the fiasco of the Spanish Armada in 1588. The letter may be dated around July 1594, since a warrant under sign manual dated 16 July 1594 states the queen has determined ‘to prepare convenient forces to be joined to such succours as shall be sent by the French King into Britany, to withstand the attempt of the King of Spain upon the haven of Brest’ (CCP 4: 556x575). A less likely date is around August 1599. In a letter to Sir Robert Cecil dated 11 August 1599, the Earl of Nottingham wrote, ‘If it be true that the enemy’s army came to Brest on Thursday, and that they stay there so long, having so fair a wind, either of these two must in my opinion be the cause; that they stay there, being the fittest place, till the forces of the Low Countries come down to Dunkirk, and may be ready to embark at the army’s arrival there; or else the fleet of ships came in there and stayeth for the galleys that came creeping by the coast of France. I do marvel there is nothing heard of it from the West parts’ (CP 72.57 in CCP 9: 286x315).

Translation:

Superscription:

To my good brother the most Christian King

Body:

Monsieur my good brother,

The occasions which have forced me not to answer your letters earlier consisted in the return of this bearer who can tell you about the state of Brest and the too near approach of the enemy. He does not know it by hearsay since he has been an eye witness through whom you can clearly see the danger in which the entire port is placed and it seems strange to me that you would vow to lose it rather than consent that my people guard it. I would have rather thought that if the choice was between your present enemy and myself, who has been such a sure friend, that you would have chosen me who promised that she was of both. But being something which was never asked of you other than to keep it out of our reach. If the Spaniard does not get help from you if he does not guard himself he will fall. It seems to me an incredible thing that you would not want to receive so much good from a friend who wishes it for you and to be certain to acquire so much dishonour to the glory of the enemy. I do not see why I would give help to this prince who doubts my actions when they will be the best for him. There is such an evil traitor in your country who dared mouth these words which should rather be pronounced to the King of Spain than the Queen. I would rather venture that their hearts belong to him too much but they are too cunning to confess it: get rid for yourself, I say to you, according to your own suggestions and keep the bad impressions for your enemies, I do not deserve to be placed in their ranks. The fruits of my friendship are not contained either in the bark or in the leaves or flowers. Be content to believe that I do not willingly endure being treated like a stranger or a suspect; I am your clear true and assured ally without cunning or fraud and I will not lead you astray with fake words and have sincerely treated with your ambassador regarding what I can do and what is expedient for me, and if he had not waited for what he asked, he would have already brought you the answer. Begging you to consider the state of my affairs with my neighbours and what matters to you and to us as well in Britanny, without wishing more, if you do not want to lose everything, as God knows, to whom I pray to inspire you best for your best.

Your well affectionate sister

Elizabeth R

I will not need to recommend this gentleman, he has been too affectionate to you to be forgotten. Be assured that without the necessity of this action I would not have sent him this time.

 

An undated holograph to Henri IV.

This is a conventional letter of introduction on the behalf of a nobleman sent to the king’s court. The queen is ashamed of the behaviour of her troops in Britanny who have become the laughing stock of France. See Sir John Norris’s holograph letter dated 8 November 1592 (summed up in Harrison 1935: 180), in which he complains of his fleeing troops: ‘our men have so infynytely run away […] we shall not be 3000 men […] I can make them no more worth then they be for I neuer sawe men more fearfull’ (TNA SP 78/29, fol. 296). Therefore, the letter dates from around November 1592.

Translation:

Superscription:

To my good brother the most Christian king $$

Body:

Monsieur my brother,

Although there are many reasons for which I may be writing in vain, were it not for my conscience towards God who binds us to others and to him, and for your honour which I always seek to maintain (though without the means), and the pity which I know is felt by so many noble and good people that it cannot let me leave the duty of a prince who wishes the conservation of all three. And to this main end I have selected this gentleman whom I know to be of such good birth and manners and who will not fail to represent for you vividly enough the conceptions of my opinion on your matters, and who will tell you more particularly the end which I fear perhaps more than your treacherous counsellors will let you know. To whom I beg you to give favourable audience, and to imagine that I am speaking directly to you, so that I assure you that you will never be troubled by something unpleasant except by someone who will not have the same ends as the others who respect more what is helpful to them than your good. Regarding my troops in Brittany, I am very much ashamed to think how laughable they make me look, from whom no promise has been asked for in twelve months, nor any place promised, whatever weakness she may have had, and which would have been more costly than useful and notwithstanding would have been too good for me. God send you in your greatest need help so certain so sacred and so skilful

Your well affectionate Sister

Elizabeth R

in this affection I wish you all happiness as you wish [good health].

 

An undated holograph to Henri IV.

The queen is obliged to refuse to help the king and alludes to the sorry state of her navy which cannot sail to Ireland or elsewhere. Sieur Antoine de Moret de Reau, a Protestant, was the French ambassador sent to England in August 1596. Since he is mentioned, the letter seems to date from after July 1596. The reference to sending a fleet to Ireland seems to fit better with de Reau’s mission to England in 1596 than with 1591 because there was some brief talk of sending Essex to Ireland after his return from Cadiz. Essex himself mentions it in passing in a letter to Antonio Perez in September 1596: ‘relegatur ideo specie imperii; comitatur ei Hibernia; detur exercitus […]’ (Ungerer 1974: 1.446).

This letter was probably written shortly before de Reau returned to France in December 1596. He was at Dover waiting to set sail for France by 12/22 December 1596. Elizabeth wrote to her ambassador in France, Sir Thomas Mildmay, about de Reau’s return to France on 8/18 December 1596. Elizabeth’s letter specifically states that de Reau had repeatedly warned that Spanish naval strength was rebuilding, i.e. for spring/summer 1597, ‘besides the growinge of that kinge our common enemye in strength in these marratime partes of Fraunce and Flaunders […]’ (TNA SP 78/38, fols. 201r–202v). [36]

Translation:

Superscription:

To my good brother the most Christian King

Body:

Monsieur my good brother,

There is such a combat between your most urgent necessities and my more than conceivable reasons for the imminent dangers of my state that I infinitely regret that based on this some unfavourable impression should be made on your majesty against the answer which I am necessarily obliged to ask you. For although the continuation of so many forces never revoked but always augmented might with good reason ask for repose after so many losses, and pointless spending, something no king ever did before me; and despite the continuous warnings from one day to another made and instilled in the ears of my good subjects to represent to them the little care I have for their conservation, announcing it continuously to them by mouth. Nevertheless, seeing thanks to Monsieur de Reux the way in which you behaved, I swear if I did not have such eminent perils on my hands to quash, by the grace of God, how I hope I would not have failed to help you with a few good troops. I have been astonished to see how it can be that, receiving so many of your good subjects, you would have been so blind, assuring myself that if you were well served having so few disobedient people and so many more places to multiply your means and France being so large to rescue you in need, that it would not be difficult to acquire on your own as little as a town, adding the help that the States have promised to grant you. A king of France has never been reduced to such terms for so little that he should be forced to ruin himself. And I do not doubt the perseverance of such Spaniardised who do not want you to know the bottom of our means so that you turn to their side. And I confess freely that I imagine only too reasonably this menace, and pray God you could see all that the king himself has written about this, for when the cipher is read it will probably blabber too much and vex our ears, which is how I received it. You will pardon this mistake due to the extreme concern I have for your grandeur throwing light on your faithful subjects. Under the shadow of my affliction, I submit myself to the goodness of your judgment and hope you will take in good faith the audacity with which I meddle in your affairs, and with this trust I will finish with this single request that it should please you to enter in consideration of the state of this navy which cannot sail for Ireland or any other place and then I will have, I assure myself, an advocate very glorious for me, a king who will on his own plead my cause. That is all I can tell you apart from my prayers for your long life and to die as you have always been.

Your most assured good sister

Elizabeth R

Endorsement:

The Queen of England June 1597

 

An undated holograph to Henri IV, published in translation in Strickland (1847: 129) and Harrison (1935: 232–233), dated circa December 1594 by Harrison.

The letter thanks the king for his treatment of a particular nobleman, is glad he escaped the attempt on his life by Jean Châtel, and punished the culprits. (The nineteen-year-old Châtel entered Gabrielle d’Estrées’s hôtel during a royal audience and cut Henri’s lip with a knife. Since he had been educated at the Collège de Clermont, it was thought he had followed orders by the Jesuits).

Translation:

Superscription:

To my good brother the most Christian King $.

Body:

The good turn of an honourable neighbour, my dearest brother, that it has pleased you to do me by this gentleman, with the wish you show that you do not have to do the same office yourself, makes me so infinitely obliged that my words will fail to represent adequately my beholden thoughts for you, and I beg you to believe that I would think myself only too happy if I had the luck and the good fortune to be able orally to express the happiness and content that my heart wishes you and, amongst others, that God grant you the grace to be able to distinguish between the spirits which are always disappointing you. It seems to me that gratitude, so pleasant in the sight of the Eternal, is sacrificed, and that he signals that he has summoned you by his grace more than by your guard. Such a narrow escape that a prince never had a smaller one, from which I received as much happiness as horror, hearing the peril, and I have very humbly given thanks to him on my knees. No more than to him alone they are due, and I believe he has sent you this evil herald to make you more wary of your problem and make the officers of your chamber be more careful. I do not need to remind you which shops these beautiful drugs come from, and that it is not enough to be of their faith. You would have remained long enough among the Huguenots before receiving such a salary. Think about the difference, and I am deeply afraid, and hope you will always pardon my faults of good affection which make me so bold towards you, and I am delighted to hear as well that in the licence of the licentious you have shown such certainty and honour to punish this iniquitous seed which has sown more trouble in a dozen years than all the Christian princes could spread in several centuries. May God allow you to root them out of your dominions, and may no decree divert you from so just a thought, and in doing so I have no doubt that the divine hand will make you avoid all evil doings, as I very humbly beg him, recommending myself a thousand times to your good graces.

Your good affectionate sister,

Elizabeth R

Endorsement:

The Queen of England

 

An undated holograph to Henri IV, published in translation in Strickland (1847: 131) and Harrison (1935: 237). Harrison dates the letter circa 1595.

The queen mentions Antoine de Navarre (1518–1562), Henri’s father, and begs the king to treat a prince well (according to Harrison it is António, Prior of Crato). The letter contains another reference to the king’s narrow escape. 1595 saw many thwarted assassination attempts on the king.

Translation:

Superscription:

To my good brother the most Christian King. $ $.

Body:

My dearest brother,

If the spirit of a deceased person can vex a breathing friend, I would fear the late King Antoine, God pardon his soul, would have pursued me in all places if I did not acquit myself of his last request which charged me, for all the affection I felt for him, that I should remind you after his death of the honourable offers that you made when he was alive and that it should please you to accomplish them being one of his orphans and such I confess to be a divine office for such a prince who will ennoble, I assure myself, the desires of someone who for himself will not be able to give graces but will not fail to be a crown and true glory which will blow the trumpet of your honour. I am not rude enough to suggest to you what is suitable to do but trust your better judgment on what is best for your state, having more knowledge than anyone else could judge. Only, acquitting my charge, I pray you treat this miserable prince so well so as to let him know I have written about it and that you have him in your good graces.

Your very affectionate sister

Elizabeth R

praying the Lord God to keep you for many years according to your wish.

Endorsement:

To the son of the King of Portugal

 

An undated holograph to Henri IV, dated c. April 1602.

The letter praises Charles de Gonzaga, Duke of Nevers (1580–1637), who was the Duke of Anjou’s political and military adviser. He went to England in 1602 and was welcomed by the queen who organised a series of events in his honour. In a letter to Mr Nicolson (TNA SP 52/68, fol. 37, 6 April 1602), Robert Cecil mentions his visit to the Queen and the ‘princely entertainment’. John Chamberlain wrote to Dudley Carleton about the event, ‘The French gallants are gone, having somewhat redeemed the rascal report that Biron and his train left behind. The Duke of Nevers is especially commended, except that the Queen’s musicians and other inferior officers complain that he was dry-handed. The Queen graced him much, and danced with him’ (TNA SP 12/283a, fol.177, 26 April 1602, in CSPD 6: no. 83). The king too mentioned it to M. de Beaumont, his ambassador in England on 13 May 1602, ‘Monsieur de Beaumont, J’ay esté tres aise d’entendre, par vos lettres du xxie et xxviie du mois passé, le bon accueil que mon nepveu le duc de Nevers a receu de la royne d’Angleterre, ma bonne soeur et cousine, et sa bonne conduicte envers elles et de tous ceulx de sa suitte par delà, et pareillement les honnestes et gracieux propos que la dicte dame luy a tenus’ (‘Monsieur de Beaumont, I’ve been very pleased to hear by your letters from the 21st and 22nd of last month about the warm welcome my nephew, the Duc of Nevers, received from the Queen of England, my good sister and cousin, and his good behaviour with her and her court beyond, and the honest and gracious words the said Lady addressed to him’) (Xivrey 1843–1858: 5.589). In the first letter, Beaumont notes that the Queen danced a gaillarde ‘avec une disposition admirable en son aage’ (‘with an admirable disposition for someone her age’) with Nevers and had not done this since Alençon’s visit (BnF MS Français 3499, fol. 152v).

Translation:

Superscription:

To my good brother the most Christian King $ $

Body:

Monsieur my good brother,

I owe you a high number of graces, not only for letting Monsieur de Nevers go to give me the honour of his visit, but for praising it as something which was very pleasant to you and seeing that he had, by the good fortune of his birth, to belong to you, this has made me very devoted to receive him best, but I would meet good expectation if it was bad to wait well, not being able to satisfy the least part of so much praise which, according to trusted hearsay, had made him believe that I fear he made enough penance for having been too nervous about what suits him best, and I cannot help telling you that he has behaved so honourably in my kingdom that he has left behind a strong signal, the gift of having shown he comes from a very illustrious family and he has so well governed his company that nothing was wanting and I beg you insistently to let him know how much he has been appreciated, and in this I will be very much obliged if on some occasion he finds what you feel. Praying you always to believe that you will never find among all your friends someone more devoted than

your good sister and most affectionate

Elizabeth R

Endorsement:

The Queen of England

 

An undated holograph to Henri IV.

This seems to be another letter on Brest and the possibility of a Spanish fleet sent to Ireland, Brittany and even parts of England. It discusses a military plan circa 1594–1595.

Translation:

Superscription:

To my good brother the most Christian King

Body:

Monsieur my good brother,

The letters which you sent me lately made me hear most diligently the instructions that your faithful Fontaine explained to me on your part regarding a very large and necessary enterprise according to which time will concord with action. But when I heard that you spoke badly about the author of such an offer, I was surprised since I could show a copy of such demands that Monsieur de Réaux left at his departure, in which it appears very clearly how you invited me to support such a plan by several evident reasons and persuasive arguments, confessing to you vainly that I was so scorned when your forces were not sufficient and were not able to undertake it, mine being so taken and ready to accomplish it, being so taken and prompt to achieve it. At the same time you would rather the enemy had the prey than that your most approved had the victory. I would not care mentioning it any longer had I not already discoursed about it at length. Nevertheless, I cannot deny that if it is not taken first and that it is too fortified and that the port is widened, as they figure it should, I see there a serious difficulty in taking it back. It is true that, for the present, seeing a sending to three places and by their fleets destined to Ireland, Brittany and perhaps a few parts of England, my subjects would find it insane if other people’s words turned my eyes away so far from their safeguard that I should postpone all other thoughts on the sea touching so closely our own states, and for this reason I would not dare insult you so by delaying on my part presently such help which would be suitably necessary for such a serious matter, and I beg you to believe that any other reason than this more than necessary occasion would not delay such an honourable action, hoping that you will always find me prompt and never late to second you in a matter which will touch you. In any case, I have communicated it to my ambassador to whom it will please you to give a favourable audience, praying the Creator to protect you from your enemies,

Your very affectionate sister

Elizabeth R

$$

Endorsement:

The Queen of England

 

An undated holograph to Henri IV. Warning him against certain advisors who slander the queen. The messenger may be stopped in Flanders. The words ‘iniques espritz’ occur in (the copy of) another letter to the king dated January 1596 (CP 133.94 in CCP 13: 561x577).

Translation:

Superscription:

To monsieur my good brother the most Christian King

Body:

My dearest brother

Although the many services and great diligence of this gentleman in your affairs by their effects are sufficient to deserve the praise and consideration of such a good prince, I yet cannot omit to acknowledge in my experience that I have known mistakes in these negotiations: when he doesn’t look only to one side, often forgetting the other, from which paralysis I am sure that he will never recover. And although my affection for you would never have been so cooled that it would need a spur to use it, if need be, he let me see the importunity, fearing more than he needed. And seeing that he returns for a while, I have begged him in your name not to fail to paint you the real image. My thoughts for you by it would show you the true image of a sincere heart which has never failed you at the most pressing moment and which has always preceded your own forces. And yet I do not doubt the least who is preventing you from having a sound judgment and that it is more than high time for the living to breathe, there being so many of our subjects at your service. I have so well furnished your ambassador with my answers to the point that he required that I will no longer need to bother you further with them, unless to beg you to believe what he will say on my part and yours, and that I have no other end than to assure you that sincerity without fantasy will always remain as solid in all my actions. And if there are such iniquitous spirits who by the sight of their subtlety would make you doubt mine, know something from me my good brother: I am not as ignorant as not to know who it is but I am never iniquitous enough to use it against my friends. This part will serve to remind my enemies of the peace that they concede to me. And in this true devotion I will finish this letter with an insistent request that it should please you that the enemy does not gloat in having asked this gentleman, who was only dedicated to honouring you. I confide so much in your honour which will allow the messenger to run like a hare to visit you in thought and full of joy. And the sooner the better for fearing that they should catch him in Flanders where I block their carts too much, praying the Lord a thousand times to keep you from iniquitous thoughts.

Your well affectionate sister

Elizabeth R

 

An undated holograph to Henri IV. The queen would like a visual witness of the king’s recovery (a letter dated 25, 26 February 1596 to the Connétable broaches the topic). She is glad that he has decided to get rid of ‘iniquitous vipers’ around him.

Translation:

Superscription:

To my dearest brother the most Christian King

Body:

My wish for the assurance of your recovery my dearest brother will not be fulfilled by the report of the passengers, without asking a gentleman to be a visual witness of the outcome of such good news. And I can send this messenger to do this pleasant office for me with the proof of my writing as it pleases me infinitely that you have promised such a favourable occasion to get rid of such iniquitous vipers who unite the weak hearts, who by their voices are enchanted and I hope that someone will be bold enough to diminish their iniquity and that you will have a clear hunter’s path in front of you and will not be deceived by such snares. Begging you to believe that you will never receive treacherous advice from my hands, but that I will look after you and guard your person, state and all that you could desire from a princess who took it upon her to protect you from exterior and interior enemies, as wishes

your most assured good sister

Elizabeth R

 

An undated holograph to Henri IV.

The letter is about sending forces to Picardy and the defence of Cambrai. The king knows too little about Spanish affairs and how threatening Spain is to the queen. The letter may be dated September 1595, as Cambrai was lost in October 1595 (see the letter from Sir Roger Williams to Essex, 10 September 1595 (CP 20.21 in CCP 5: 358x380)).

Translation:

Body:

Monsieur my dear brother,

The best way for the conservation of true friendship is to nourish it through mutual sincere actions, and not to let flow any true exposition of suspicious doubts but to clear them at once by just reasons, in which it has pleased you (for which I give you a million thanks) to communicate them to me conveniently. It displeases you to find an enfeebling of my good will and helped by not sending forces to Picardy when your counsellors and yourself asked me to do so. As it represents the esteem you hold me in,. I will not reject the fault on you since you have so many matters on your hands that you have forgotten how poorly I was advised to ask for them when no assistance was ready to accompany them. Seeing how few troops were available in these quarters and the uncertainty regarding the return of your army, I would be loath to apply so many rules on my enemy to so unsuitably make them see how iniquitous they are, so lonely and so little governed. Thus, I have to tell you that they will ask me to send my troops to arrive there in fifteen days, which would be a faster post than their messenger achieved, who did not arrive in twelve days. Count, I beg you, what fine time they would give me to help Cambray. I would have had as much content to keep it for France, since at my cost it was conquered, if the commodity of a prompt arrival had been as pressing as my demand had been ready. So far, my good brother, you see if your judgment was well founded to doubt the one who never failed you in your greatest need. But you will say, or rather you will be told, but with everything you delay help, but I insist, look, I beg you to see through your sharp eyes and not through the dazzled eyes of others or what they think and why I don’t ask them now. You are not so poorly warned concerning Spanish affairs that you cannot hear the great preparations by sea and by land that have been dedicated to our conquest, which is so advanced that the château Povre Belaître can hear the echo of their sound. Don’t you think, my good brother, that our subjects would not be surprised to see themselves expelled from a kingdom they have to defend and that the means for such troops would be spread out when it would be more convenient to gather together all our productions to increase the new which such a defence requires. However, given the circumstances, consider you would do me much wrong if you insulted me with a thought of a little diminution. The very assured friendship for you which will always be as affectionate as that of your natural sister and in this she would not give in and I assure myself that you will think the same if it pleases you to remember that all that I have done has been done not for mercenary reasons and I will continue equally as long as they do not betray you by making you believe that it will be for your own good to follow your enemies by abandoning your friends. It will never enter my mind unless I am tired of you to deliver you to your piteous enemies from whom I pray God to protect you and inspire to know the true depth of my heart where you will find nothing more desired than your conservation, as God knows, who may grant you, my dearest good brother, good and long life with a glorious victory over your enemies.

Your very affectionate sister

Elizabeth R

$$$

 

[1] For abbreviations in French manuscripts see Buat and Van den Neste (2011) who provide many pictures and examples of legal idioms and full sentences in which they occur. [Go back up]

[2] I wish to thank Susan Baddeley for reading my translations and correcting them in many instances. All mistakes are of course mine. [Go back up]

[3] Étienne Pasquier (1529–1615). [Go back up]

[4] Mary, Queen of Scots. Castelnau (1731: 560) contains two letters to Catherine de Medici imploring help. [Go back up]

[5] Reminiscent of the French proverb ‘marcher sur la tête’, which does not seem to exist in the sixteenth century. Perhaps based on Horace’s Ars poetica, 8–9, ‘ut nec pes nec caput uni/reddatur formae’ (I owe this reference to Matti Kilpiö). [Go back up]

[6] ‘ly’: ‘li’ (‘lui’). [Go back up]

[7] Marcy: the form does not occur in French texts. [Go back up]

[8] (se) condouloir: to sympathise with. [Go back up]

[9] stanpandant: cependant, this is the earliest occurrence I have found. The word is not in Cotgrave’s 1611 dictionary. It occurs in Marivaux. [Go back up]

[10] ‘faut’ is odd here and probably a mistake for ‘fait’ as in we ‘made’ our ambassadors speak to you. [Go back up]

[11] Bertrand de Salignac de la Mothe Fénelon arrived in November 1568. The ambassador seems to be Jean Bochetel, La Forêt. [Go back up]

[12] The naval officer who died in 1565. See the letter about English captives at Marseilles addressed to Sir Henry Norris (TNA SP 70/89, fol. 141). I wish to thank Bertrand Van Ruymbeke who confirmed that it was indeed him. [Go back up]

[13] See the relevant entries in CSPF: ‘In the afternoon of the 20th, Lady Stafford came to his lodging to declare how she had received a determination in her matter touching the law, being in great lamentation and asking his counsel. He suffered her to declare the matter largely, but then told her he could give no counsel, as he could not meddle in the matter. Then she desired, as soon as she was despatched in her suit, to return to England. Told her she knew best her own case, and could best tell whether she might return or not. Begged him to signify her desire to their Lordships, which he does. —Paris, 21 June 1559’ (CSPF 1: no. 868 (22); Forbes 1740–1741: 1.138); and ‘Lady Stafford further told him that St. André, as she was a suitor to him in her own cause, asked her whether the Ambassador would not speak and do for her; and upon answering, No, he said, the Ambassador had promised to do all he could for Dudley, and will he not do as much for her?’ (CSPF 1: no. 870 (6); Forbes 1740–1741: 1. 135). [Go back up]

[14] sic, scribal error for ‘Treshaulte’. [Go back up]

[15] Sir Robert Stafford (1501–1574) was Serjeant-Porter to Queen Elizabeth I, and ‘Dame de Stafford’ was his second wife, Jane Gorges, they had married in 1561. The State Papers record an ongoing law business about debts (CSPF 1: 868–870). [Go back up]

[16] Mantes-la-Jolie, which belonged to Catherine de Médici. [Go back up]

[17] I have not identified any Deodato. [Go back up]

[18] I wish to thank David Trim for identifying Norris’s son, he is quoted verbatim. [Go back up]

[19] Norris had six sons: Sir John Norreys (1547–1597), Sir William Norreys (1548–1579), Sir Edward Norreys (c. 1550–1603), Governor of Ostend in 1590, Sir Henry Norreys (1554–1599), who fought in the Netherlands and then in Ireland, where he died; Sir Thomas Norreys (1556–1599), Lord President of Munster, and Maximilian Norreys (c. 1557–1593), killed in Brittany while serving under his brother, John. [Go back up]

[20] See also the letter from Giovanni Correr, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Signory, dated 4 October (CSP Venice 7: no. 434): ‘I spoke to-day to the Queen of France about the Queen of England. She said, “We have answered her through the Bishop of Rennes, that she ought not to interfere in the affairs of this kingdom, and to consider whether she would be pleased, and think it well done, that we should give assistance to the Catholics of her kingdom, in case they rebelled against her. Our Ambassador wrote to us lately that she said to him,‘I would not, indeed, that your King took amiss what I told him through my Ambassador, as I assuredly did so, urged by the prayers of many persons, and not because it was my own intention; and let his Majesty rest assured that I will never give favour to any rebels, and these persons I consider such’”. [Go back up]

[21] Bertrand de Salignac de la Mothe Fénelon. ‘Montaffier’ appears to be a copying error for Montassier, who is described as ‘Sieur de Montassier, an Equerry of the Stable to Charles IX’ (Colthorpe 2017: 12). Two letters dated 22 March 1569 from Catherine de Médici and Charles IX mention Montassier (TNA SP 70/106, fols. 51 & 53), sometimes spelt ‘Montasie’ or ‘Montazier’, a Huguenot family. There’s a Louis de Montasié, Seigneur de Dieudonne in Picardy, ‘comte de Varizelles en Piemont, conseigneur de Montasié, chevalier de l’ordre du Roy’ (Histoire Généalogique 4.375). [Go back up]

[22] Montassier was the King of France’s envoy and visited Whitehall on 6 April to ‘inform the Queen of his victory “over his rebels” at the Battle of Jarnac’ (Colthorpe 2017: 12). This visit is recorded in many documents from April 1569. Cecil wrote to Norris on 6 April, ‘Your servant Crips came hither yesternight, as I perceive, constrained to follow and accompany Monsieur de Montassyer, who this day was brought to the Queens Majesties presence to report the Victory which God had given to the French King by a Battail, as he termed it, wherein was slain the Prince of Conde; whereunto, as I could conceive, her Majesty answered, that of any good Fortune hapning to the King, she was glad; but she thought it also to be condoled with the King, that it should be counted a Victory to have a Prince of his blood slain; and so with such like speech, not fully to their contentation’ (Scrinia Ceciliana p. 157, where the letter is misdated 1568). At Montassier’s departure on 12 April, La Mothe wrote to Charles IX, ‘He waited eight days at Dieppe for a passage, had audience on Wednesday of Holy Week and gave the Queen full details of the battle; he left on April 12’ (Colthorpe 2017: 13). Five days later, it was reported that ‘there were many rumours that the Prince of Condé was not dead. On that there have been wagers of more than 12 or 15,000 crowns, in the court or in the town’ (Colthorpe 2017: 13). On 27 April, the Venetian Ambassador in France wrote: ‘The gentleman who went to England to communicate the news of this victory […] states that he had been very ill received there, that his report was not credited, and that the Queen answered him that she could not congratulate the King upon having lost a Prince of his own blood, who was so greatly honoured’ (CSP Venice 7: 433, no. 455 (misdated 27 March)). [Go back up]

[23] François d’Angennes, marquis de Montlouet, field-marshal, ambassador in Switzerland, and a favourite of Catherine de Médici. He was the bearer of two letters by Catherine de Médici and Charles IX dated 27 December 1569 that survive in the State Papers (TNA SP 70/109, fols. 63 & 65) (Ferrière 1887: 289). [Go back up]

[24] Probably ‘autant’. [Go back up]

[25] I wish to thank Damien Fontvieille for being so patient with my endless questions and sending me his transcriptions of the Bochetel letters. [Go back up]

[26] The Prince of Conti was François de Bourbon (1558–1614). Francois comte de Saint Pol (d. 1631), brother to the duc de Longueville, was governor of Picardy. The Duke of Bouillon was Henri de La Tour d’Auvergne (1555–1623). He was defeated at Doullens in 1595 by Pedro Henriquez de Acevedo, count of Fuentes (1525–1610), governor of the Spanish Low Countries. [Go back up]

[27] Sir Roger Williams (1539/40–1595). According to Trim (2004), ‘in 1594, and then again in 1595, he was sent as special ambassador to Henri. These appointments reflect his special expertise in French affairs and friendship with the French king, but also perhaps a growing acceptance of him by Elizabeth—and probably most of all the influence at court of his patron, Essex’. [Go back up]

[28] The Edict of Saint-Germain or Edict of January, a decree of tolerance promulgated by Catherine de Medici in January 1562. [Go back up]

[29] For a list of the King’s counsellors in June 1597, see TNA SP 78/39, fol. 342. [Go back up]

[30] See Greengrass (1989). I wish to thank Mark Greengrass for these comments (which are quoted verbatim), as well as for explaining the overall significance of the incident. [Go back up]

[31] Pierre de Fouquerolles, capitaine du roi de Navarre, a Protestant. [Go back up]

[32] rangs: ranks. [Go back up]

[33] contiennent. [Go back up]

[34] Bretagne. [Go back up]

[35] The symbol represented in this edition by a dollar sign is an s fermé (or fermesse), a ‘closed s’, or slashed capital letter S. It was used to indicate a pause or conclusion in manuscript texts, but also as a sign of affection or intimacy on superscriptions, particularly in women’s letters (Beal 2008: 376). I wish to thank Martine van Elk for identifying what these are. [Go back up]

[36] I am grateful to Paul E. J. Hammer for helping me with the date of this letter. [Go back up]

[37] mechant: evil [Go back up]

[38] Phragmatique, probably ‘pragmatique’, ‘pragmatique sanction’. [Go back up]

[39] The queen may have remembered the Latin ‘orphanus’ used in the Vulgate instead of the common and correct form ‘orphelin’. [Go back up]

[40] ‘trompe’, ‘trompette’. [Go back up]

[41] ‘recueillir’, in modern French ‘accueillir’. [Go back up]

[42] Robert Le Maçon, aka Robert La Fontaine (1534/5–1611). He was in England in 4 March 1595 and 11 October 1597. [Go back up]

[43] départ. [Go back up]

[44] ‘havre’: port. This may very well be a reference to Brest and the construction of its fort. [Go back up]

[45] Old word for male hare (Eng. buck), ‘lièvre mâle’ (Corneille 1694: 613). [Go back up]

[46] This could be a form of ‘j’élan’, a variation on ‘élancer’, to send far. [Go back up]

[47] Reminiscent of Matthew 23:33: ‘O serpents, the generacion of viperes, how shulde ye escape y^e damnacion of hel!’ (Geneva 1560). [Go back up]

[48] ‘débiles’: feeble. [Go back up]

[49] voix. [Go back up]

[50] Spain invaded Picardy in 1595. The queen sent forces to Picardy in 1596 and 1597. See the account of debts signed by Cecil (CSPD 4: 562, no. 102). [Go back up]

[51] Château de Belaître 76840 Quevillon, near Rouen. [Go back up]

[52] The past participle of the verb ‘ouïr’ to hear is ‘ouï’. [Go back up]

[53] Only in Cotgrave, it seems, but it is used by Scève, Calvin and other writers. [Go back up]

 

BL = British Library, London, UK. https://www.bl.uk/

BnF = Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, France. https://www.bnf.fr/fr

CP = Cecil Papers at Hatfield House, Hertfordshire, UK. https://www.hatfield-house.co.uk/house/archives-collections/

LMA = London Metropolitan Archives, including the former Guildhall Library, London, UK. https://search.lma.gov.uk/

NLR = National Library of Russia, Saint Petersburg, Russia. http://nlr.ru/eng

TNA SP = State Papers, the National Archives, London, UK. https://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/

A plain text file of the letters to be read in your browser or downloaded. The .txt file will open in a new tab.

 

 

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