| Word formation in Early Middle English: Abstract nouns in the Linguistic Atlas of Early Middle EnglishAnne-Christine Gardner, Ruprecht-Karls-Universität  Heidelberg Abstract
          Since the early  1990s historical word formation, in particular derivation in Early Middle  English, has increasingly attracted scholarly interest in the form of more  general approaches to productivity and semantics. The present study focuses on  the derivational patterns available to speakers and aims to identify factors  which could influence the speakers’ choices. For this purpose abstract  formations in Early Middle English will be investigated, specifically (near)  synonyms involving the Germanic suffixes -dom, -hood, -ness and -ship in which  various suffixes can be attached to the same base without any or with only  little differentiation in meaning. Abstract nouns ending in -lac, its Scandinavian cognate -leikr and -reden are also taken into consideration since – despite their  subsequent, virtually complete demise – they still form an observable part of  the lexicon and are represented in doublets such as fairness ~ fairleikr and fellowship ~ fellowreden. Regional and temporal variation, as well as the influence of  text types, are shown to be factors which may have motivated the choice of  suffixes in such synonymous derivations. The corpus-linguistic analysis is  based on the Linguistic Atlas of Early  Middle English, 1150–1325 (LAEME),  the most recent corpus dedicated to the early period of Middle English. Owing  to the patchiness of records, the texts are grouped in a way similar to the  prototypical text categories proposed by the Helsinki Corpus in order to facilitate the comparison of data  across space, time and text type. LAEME as a new research tool also offers an  opportunity to re-examine previous statements which have to be amended in the  light of new data. 1. Introduction
            For a long time, research interest in the Middle English lexicon  seems to have been centred more on borrowings than on word formation.  Derivations, however, are no less interesting as changes and competition within  the derivational system inherited from Old English, as well as the impact of  suffixes of Romance origin introduced in the aftermath of the Norman Conquest  can be observed. Since the early 1990s three larger-scale studies have brought  derivation in Early Middle English to the limelight, mostly with regard to  semantics and productivity (Zbierska-Sawala 1993, Dalton-Puffer 1996, and  Ciszek 2008; Trips 2009 concentrates on three suffixes with a larger diachronic  scope), yet knowledge about the historical developments still needs to be  expanded in various directions. The present paper aims to shed more light on a  subset of derivations in Early Middle English, specifically synonymous abstract  nouns which were derived from the same base, but with different Germanic  suffixes, and which share the same meaning, for example goodness and goodhood.  The suffixes in question are -dom, -hood, -ness and -ship, well  known from words such as freedom and fellowship, but also the less common -lac (together with its now lost  Scandinavian cognate -leikr) and -rede(n), which  survive today only in very few words, like wedlock and kindred.
             
            Synonymous derivations are particularly interesting in that they can  reveal more about the options available to speakers at the time and what may  have influenced their choice of one suffix over the other. The choice of  suffixes for a certain base could be a conscious one, and suffixes may be interchangeable  without any apparent change in meaning. This is shown, for example, in the  manuscript of The Ormulum, where in many  derivations -ness was erased and  replaced by -leikr (cp. Laing’s  comments in LAEME file #301). As a matter of style, synonyms may be used to avoid repetition. This  kind of variation may well be at work in those texts which contain synonym  pairs without displaying any marked preference for one or the other formation.  If there are small differences between the words, they are difficult to  pinpoint today on the basis of the sketchy transmissions from the time. Since  only about 13% of all synonyms encountered in this study occur in such  constellations, other factors must have a bearing on suffix choice. This paper  will investigate which suffixes competed with each other and to what extent the  choice of a suffix may be influenced by contemporary developments in frequency  and productivity as well as factors such as regional and text type usage.  2. Working with the Linguistic  Atlas of Early Middle English
            The following analyses are based on data researched with the help of  the Linguistic Atlas of Early Middle  English (LAEME), which contains texts written between c. 1150 and 1350. The  corpus encompasses almost 650,000 words in 167 text entries, which is several  hundred thousand words more than the respective sections of the Helsinki Corpus (c. 210,000) or the Penn-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Middle  English (c. 370,000). In order to facilitate the study of changes within  Early Middle English, the two centuries covered by the corpus were divided into  five sub-periods of about 40 years each. To that end the texts were grouped  according to their approximate date of origin published by Laing (2008) in the Index of Sources. Because of the nature  of the datings, the sub-periods overlap to some degree. For example, if a text  was produced in a certain year (say c. 1200), it can be allocated to the corresponding  sub-period. If, however, a span of 25, 50 or 100 years is indicated for the  text production, the text could form part of two sub-periods. In such cases,  the texts are sorted into sub-periods which cover the majority of the time span  indicated for their production. A text written sometime between the last  quarter of the twelfth and the first quarter of the thirteenth century would  therefore be included in sub-period II, i.e. 1190–1230. 
            
            Table 1. The division of LAEME into five sub-periods.  
            
              | Sub-period | Words | Datings included |  
              | I | 1150–1190 | 53,785 | C12b1, C12b2 |  
              | II | 1190–1230 | 107,478 | C12b2–C13a1, C13a1, C13a |  
              | III | 1230–1270 | 183,618 | C13a2, C13a2–C13b1,    C13b1, C13 |  
              | IV | 1270–1310 | 142,425 | C13b, C13b2, C13b2–C14a1 |  
              | V | 1310–1350 | 161,493 | C14a1, C14a2, C14a |  (C  = century, a/b = first/second half, 1/2 = first/second quarter; abbreviations  also used in LAEME) 
            Considering that the present lexical investigation yields a  relatively small amount of data, larger geographical areas are useful to work  with, rather than the more specific locations determined for the majority of texts  (e.g. Ludlow, South Shropshire for one version of Ancrene Wisse, or North West Essex for the Trinity Homilies), in order to make the data more tangible. In  addition to observing language use in different counties, the following larger  regions are of interest which approximate and are named after traditional  dialect regions yet roughly follow county borders: [1] 
            the North (N): texts extant from Cumberland, Durham, Yorkshire; the East Midlands (EML): Cambridgeshire, Essex, Huntingdonshire, Leicestershire, Lincolnshire, Middlesex, Norfolk, Northamptonshire, Suffolk;the West Midlands (WML): Cheshire, Gloucestershire (parts), Herefordshire, Lancashire, Shropshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire,       Worcestershire; the South-West (SW): Berkshire, Devon, Dorset, Gloucestershire (parts), Hampshire, Oxfordshire, Somerset, Wiltshire;and the South-East (SE): Kent, Surrey, Sussex.  Since the Linguistic Atlas does not provide information on text types, the necessary details were gathered  from the New Index of Middle English Verse (Boffey & Edwards 2005) and the volumes of the Manual of Middle English Writings (Severs, Hartung & Beidler 1967–), which list texts according to author or subject. From this basis larger  text type groups were devised, similar to the prototypical text categories  proposed by the Helsinki Corpus (Kytö  1996). The new corpus thus features 
            fictional texts, containing tales and romances (21,511 words),historical writings (82,670 w.),official records (17,333 w.),secular learning, only represented by Ælfric’s Grammar and Glossary (15,907 w.),secular (and mixed) verse (14,110 w.),biblical writings, including translations, paraphrases and commentaries (20,368 w.),and religious texts (433,553 w.). All remaining texts touching on a religious, philosophical or ethical subject are assembled under this heading. Among the subcategories figure sermons and homilies, religious instruction, saint’s legends, and various smaller texts like prayers, hymns and religious verse.  Corpus texts which contain elements from differing text groups are  joined in a mixed category (43,347 w.). Owing to the limited number of surviving Early Middle English  sources, the various text categories and regions are not equally well  represented, especially if the period is further subdivided into smaller  sections. Only historical and religious writings are relatively well attested,  and there are significant gaps in the coverage of most regions, particularly of  the North: 
          Table 2. Corpus size by region and sub-period in LAEME. 
            
              |   | I | II | III | IV | V |  
              | N | 0 | 0 | 585 | 0 | 64,088 |  
              | EML | 51,980 | 26,616 | 2,594 | 24,543 | 35,367 |  
              | WML | 999 | 75,029 | 126,698 | 63,308 | 116 |  
              | SW | 806 | 1,751 | 19,968 | 39,568 | 31,037 |  
              | SE | 0 | 4,049 | 727 | 3,223 | 30,699 |  
              | unlocalised | 0 | 33 | 33,046 | 11,783 | 186 |  A coherent comparison of text types across time, or even across time  and space, is consequently almost impossible to accomplish. Working with larger  text groups circumvents this problem to some degree. For religious writings, a  comparatively large group (cf. Table 3), it is for example possible to contrast  texts from the East Midlands with West Midland sources across the first four sub-periods.  Smaller-scale investigations on subcategories could be conducted in a new study  should additional information be required. 
          Table 3. LAEME coverage of religious writings in the  East and West Midlands. 
            
              |   | I | II | III | IV | V |  
              | EML | 49,433 | 26,616 | 2,034 | 10,962 | 2,356 |  
              | WML | 999 | 56,464 | 93,174 | 16,441 | 0 |  As an online resource, LAEME greatly facilitates research on word  formation as suffixes are individually tagged and searchable. After entering a  selected tag in a search window (e.g. ness or hood; a complete list of relevant  tag forms or so-called lexels can be found online), a list will be generated  which contains all occurrences of this suffix and accounts for all possible  spelling variants. However, the results of such a search only refer to the  number of occurrences of a suffix per text entry, and not to the words  containing the suffixes. These words either have to be culled manually from the  text files linked in the results page or an additional wildcard search has to  be performed for words ending in the suffix in question, after which these  results need to be checked against the previous ones, so that a separate list  with the required data can be drawn up. In the discussion of words found in the  corpus, their tagged forms (the lexical entry or lexel) given by the corpus  will be used (in this case highness)  instead of one of the original Middle English forms (like hehnesse).  The results of suffix searches generally have to be examined very  carefully since the fact that a suffix is tagged as such does not necessarily  mean that the word containing this suffix is a derivation. To give one example,  a word like unworship could either be  a suffixation with -ship added to the base unworth,  or be constructed of worship prefixed  by un-. As a prefixation according to  the Oxford English Dictionary Online (OED), unworship does not reveal any  information about the current use of the suffix it contains and is therefore  not included in the data. Furthermore, words like rihtdom and wo:hdom were  discarded from the list because they are examples of compounding: with (‘just’  or ‘unjust’) ‘judgment’ they retain a semantic layer of the Old English lexeme dōm, which is no longer present in the  suffix -dom. These examples show that  the tagging in LAEME merely indicates  the fact that a word contains one or more elements which assume the shape of a  prefix or suffix; the tagging does not give any further etymological  information which would help determine whether this word is a prefixation, a  suffixation or a compound. After all non-derivatives were weeded out, about 450 different words  remained, out of which 140 lexemes forming 61 sets of synonyms could be  isolated (with a total of 1,352 attestations in the corpus). Only those words  are accepted as synonyms which contain the same base but a different suffix,  and which have the same meaning according to the Middle English Dictionary and the Oxford English Dictionary Online. Since neither of the  dictionaries lists all instances of an entry, the meaning of a number of  derivations had to be individually interpreted on the basis of context. For  future reference the word class and the language origin of each base was noted  alongside the period of the word’s first attestation, Old or Middle English.  These proceedings eliminated some ostensible synonyms in the corpus, which despite  their formal similarity do not share the same meaning. For example, while softhood refers to physical softness,  all instances of ness-formations  relate to character traits and other extended meanings. Wisdom and worship were  also not considered in this study because of the overwhelming frequency of the  words inherited from Old English. The new, partially synonymous formations in -hood do not offer serious competition  in either case, with one and three instances against 201 and 132, respectively.  The suffix -hood was  represented in Middle English by two forms: one is the continuation of Old  English -hād, later developing via [hɔd] to -hood; the other is  the related -hed(e), whose precise  origin is still a matter of debate and which was later replaced by -hood forms (see Dietz 2007: 134-137, Ciszek  2008: 56-58, and the entry on -head in the OED). Today the two suffixal  forms are only distinguished in a few words, such as godhead and godhood or maidenhead and maidenhood. In the Linguistic  Atlas both forms are tagged indiscriminately as -hood. The following analyses will refer to this more general -hood, unless stated otherwise. 3. Synonymous derivatives in Early Middle English
            The first point of interest concerning synonyms is the frequency  with which the different suffixes occur in the five sub-periods, displayed in  Table 4.1 and Table 4.2.  
          Table 4.1. Suffixes attested in sub-periods (absolute frequencies).  
            
              |   | -dom | -had | -hed(e) | -lac | -leikr | -ness | -rede(n) | -ship | Total |  
              | I | 7 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 12 | 114 | 0 | 27 | 161 |  
              | II | 10 | 9 | 7 | 4 | 15 | 216 | 2 | 40 | 303 |  
              | III | 21 | 4 | 8 | 10 | 32 | 139 | 5 | 151 | 370 |  
              | IV | 15 | 0 | 43 | 0 | 1 | 95 | 6 | 16 | 176 |  
              | V | 18 | 3 | 129 | 0 | 2 | 145 | 28 | 17 | 342 |  
              | Total | 71 | 16 | 188 | 14 | 62 | 709 | 41 | 251 | 1,352 |            
          Table 4.2. Suffixes  attested in sub-periods (normalised frequencies per 10,000 words). 
            
              |   | -dom | -had | -hed(e) | -lac | -leikr | -ness | -rede(n) | -ship |  
              | I | 1.3 | 0 | 0.19 | 0 | 2.23 | 21.2 | 0 | 5.02 |  
              | II | 0.93 | 0.84 | 0.65 | 0.37 | 1.4 | 20.1 | 0.19 | 3.72 |  
              | III | 1.14 | 0.22 | 0.44 | 0.55 | 1.74 | 7.57 | 0.27 | 8.22 |  
              | IV | 1.05 | 0 | 3.02 | 0 | 0.07 | 6.67 | 0.42 | 1.12 |  
              | V | 1.11 | 0.19 | 7.99 | 0 | 0.12 | 8.98 | 1.73 | 1.05 |  Early on -ness is the most  frequent suffix, yet it loses some of its stronghold in the middle of the thirteenth  century (normalised frequencies drop from over 20 to below 10); -ship also occurs fairly frequently, but  declines even more strongly than -ness (to a frequency of c. 1) after a short surge in sub-period III. If another  suffix is somehow responsible for this, it cannot be -dom with its relatively constant, yet infrequent rate of  occurrence (gravitating around 1); nor can -lac or -leikr assume this role, seeing  that they also show limited usage and fall more or less out of use in the last  two sub-periods. Infrequent -rede(n) is not a suitable candidate either since its usage increases only minimally  (staying below a frequency of 1) and would not even reach such an unprecedented  height in the last sub-period (1.73) if it was not for one text sporting fellowrede(n) (compare fellowship) 24 times. The reason may  ultimately be found in -hood: after a  slow start, derivations in -hood, specifically  those in -hed(e), increase steeply in  sub-periods IV and V (from below 1 to 3.02 and 7.99, respectively), at the same  time that -ness and -ship (as well as -lac and -leikr) lose in  currency. [2] Examining which suffixes compete with each other in synonym pairs or  groups will help determine whether these developments are indeed correlated. For  that purpose all words were disregarded in each sub-period for which there are  no potential synonymous counterparts: words inherited from Old English (like gladness), which could theoretically  appear throughout the time covered by the corpus, were regarded as potential  synonyms in all sub-periods even if they do not occur. In contrast, words which  are of Early Middle English origin and not found until, say, sub-period IV  (like sikerhood ‘security’), were not  considered until their first attestation. It was then possible to isolate  various rivalling suffix pairs for each sub-period, among which -hood and -ness, -hood and -ship as well as -ness and -ship figure  most prominently. The ratios of formations in -ship against those in -hood and -ness in each sub-period show that -ship loses its upper hand with respect  to both suffixes in the last two sub-periods (Table 5). [3] Taking into account that in the -ship/-ness pair one word alone (wareship,  meaning ‘vigilance’) with 46 instances is responsible for almost half the  attestations of -ship in the third sub-period,  the replacement process involving -ness could  be argued to begin already some 40 years earlier. 
          Table 5. Competing synonymous derivatives: -ship vs. -hood and -ness (number of attestations and ratio). 
            
              |   |   | -ship | -hood | ratio |   | -ship | -ness | ratio |  
              | I | not attested | n/a | 15 | 7 | 1 : 0.47 |  
              | II | 2 | 3 | 1 : 1.5  | 33 | 25 | 1 : 0.76  |  
              | III | 13 | 2 | 1 : 0.15 | 97 | 47 | 1 : 0.48 |  
              | IV | 0 | 13 | 0 : 1 | 9 | 33 | 1 : 3.67 |  
              | V | 5 | 46 | 1 : 9.2 | 2 | 59 | 1 : 29.5 |  While -ness and -hood were quickly favoured over -ship, the replacement of -ness by -hood is a more gradual process, until in the early fourteenth  century both suffixes find themselves on roughly equal footing (as evidenced in  Table 6). Towards the closure of Early Middle English the suffix -hood also asserts itself in its  competition with -dom, [4] while -rede(n) never poses a  challenge, brotherrede(n) (two  attestations in sub-period II) and brotherhood (one instance in sub-period V) constituting the only example for this suffix  pairing.  
          Table 6. Competing  synonymous derivatives: -hood vs. -ness and -dom. 
            
              |   |   | -hood | -ness | ratio |   | -hood | -dom | ratio |  
              | I | 0 | 4 | 0    : 1 | not attested | n/a |  
              | II | 4 | 23 | 1    : 5.75  | 4 | 2 | 1    : 0.5  |  
              | III | 10 | 18 | 1    : 1.8 | 1 | 3 | 1    : 3 |  
              | IV | 23 | 30 | 1    : 1.3 | 12 | 6 | 1    : 0.5 |  
              | V | 115 | 113 | c.    1 : 1 | 17 | 4 | 1    : 0.24 |  It appears that the multiplication of -hood derivatives is indeed to a great part responsible for the  decline of synonyms formed with -ness and -ship. With regard to the  remaining suffixes -ness enjoys a strong position, being  generally more frequent than -dom (consider the longevity of holiness as apposed to holidom) and replacing -lac and -leikr in derivatives of, for example, true ‘faithfulness’, good and hende ‘nobility, virtue’ towards  the end of the period (Table 7).  
          Table 7. Competing synonymous derivatives: -ness vs. -dom, -lac and -leikr. 
            
              |   |   | -ness | -dom |   | -ness | -lac |   | -ness | -leikr |  
              | I | 7 | 1 | not attested | 39 | 12 |  
              | II | 3 | 3 | 1 | 4 | 75 | 14 |  
              | III | 11 | 1 | 2 | 10 | 33 | 27 |  
              | IV | 5 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 28 | 1 |  
              | V | 12 | 2 | 1 | 0 | 30 | 2 |  In contrast, -ship begins  to lose its footing in the middle of the thirteenth century not only with  regard to -hood and -ness, but also in pairs like freedom/freeship and thraldom/-ship ‘subjection’, as well as foeship/-rede(n) ‘enmity’ and even fellowrede(n)/fellowship. The latter will likely be a short-lived submission, in the same way that -ness is confronted with a small number  of -rede(n) formations on the bases love and sib meaning ‘love’ and ‘kinship’ (Table 8). 
          Table 8. Competing synonymous derivatives: -dom vs. -ship; -rede(n) vs. -ship and -ness. 
            
              |   |   | -dom | -ship |   | -rede(n) | -ship |   | -rede(n) | -ness |  
              | I | 0 | 1 | not attested | not attested |  
              | II | 2 | 3 | not attested | not attested |  
              | III | 10 | 5 | 5 | 1 | 0 | 3 |  
              | IV | 9 | 0 | 5 | 3 | 1 | 5 |  
              | V | 14 | 5 | 25 | 9 | 3 | 0 |  The changing preferences within synonymous pairings can be suitably  illustrated with derivatives of fair with the meaning ‘beauty’. In the present context, most words carried over from  Old to Early Middle English, like freedom,  are likely to continue to be used later on. This is also true of fairness, occurring throughout the  period. As anticipated it is more frequent than the newly formed fairship and fairleikr, neither of which are attested after sub-period III,  while fairhood, another new  formation, makes its first appearance in sub-period IV and dominates sub-period  V at the expense of fairness (see  Table 9).  
          Table 9. Occurrences of synonymous derivations on fair ‘beauty’ in LAEME. 
            
              |   | I | II | III | IV | V |  
              | -hood | x  | x  | x  | 3 | 16 |  
              | -leikr | x  | 2 | 4 | 0 | 0 |  
              | -ness | 1 | 6 | 7 | 1 | 3 |  
              | -ship | x | x | 1 | 0 | 0 |  (x = not yet  documented, later date of first attestation) New derivations among synonyms formed in Early Middle English are  valuable indicators for the productivity of a suffix. At the same time, the  developments in productivity are closely related to those concerning the  frequency of and competition between the suffixes. By the end of the period,  there are only two suffixes left which display marked productivity – not  surprisingly -hood and -ness (see Table 10). While the latter  shows a fairly constant rate of productivity, neologisms in -hood (here again those in -hed(e)) rise steeply. Although -ship can boast as many new formations  as -ness, its productivity comes to a  standstill after the third sub-period, similarly so that of -lac and -leikr. Neither -dom nor -rede(n) can be considered very  productive, suggesting that neither suffix appears on a varied set of bases but  rather in a small number of more frequent derivatives. The previously mentioned freedom and fellowrede(n) corroborate this, accounting for 37 and as much as 83  percent of all -dom and -rede(n) attestations,  respectively. 
          Table 10. Neologisms per suffix and sub-period. 
            
              |   | I | II | III | IV | V | Total |  
              | -hed(e)-had
 | 10
 | 20
 | 20
 | 110
 | 171
 | 331
 |  
              | -ness | 2 | 5 | 2 | 4 | 4 | 17 |  
              | -ship | 4 | 3 | 10 | 0 | 0 | 17 |  
              | -leikr-lac
 | 60
 | 31
 | 11
 | 00
 | 00
 | 102
 |  
              | -dom | 0 | 2 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 3 |  
              | -rede(n) | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 2 |  As a final point three examples will be presented which highlight  the importance of investigating suffix usage across text types and/or space. Firstly,  a pilot study (Gardner forthcoming) on suffixation in Old English showed that  already then derivations in -lac were  of limited frequency and productivity, and in Late West Saxon were mainly used  in religious writings. These findings led to the conclusion that in subsequent  centuries such formations are most likely to appear in religious contexts; the  present study confirms that it is indeed the case in Early Middle English where  it is employed predominantly in texts from the so-called Katherine Group. Secondly, regarding regional usage, the last three  attestations of -leikr in sub-periods  IV and V all occur in texts which show connections to the former Danelaw area,  in which Scandinavian influence was particularly strong – the regions east and  north of a line roughly stretching from London to Chester (see also Holman  2001: 5-6). Havelok originates from  Norfolk, the Northern Homily Collection from Yorkshire, and Dame Sirith is  known, according to Laing (2008), to exhibit influences from the north-eastern  Midlands, all part of the former Danelaw. Lastly, linguistic features do not  always develop homogeneously in religious texts, but may vary in different  regions. This becomes particularly evident with regard to the suffixes -hed(e) (shown to increase strongly from  sub-period IV) and -ship (decreasing  after sub-period III). West Midland texts hold on to -ship formations until sub-period IV, whereas  in the East Midlands there is already a marked drop after the first sub-period  (see Table 11 for absolute values, Figure 1 for normalised frequencies). [5] The apparent return of derivations in -ship in this region in sub-period IV seems less significant in view of the fact that  in sub-period V such words do not occur in the local texts.  
          Table 11. -hed(e) and -ship in East and West Midland religious writing (absolute frequencies). 
            
              |   | I | II | III | IV | Total |  
              | -hed(e) | WML | 0 | 2 | 3 | 1 | 6 |  
              | EML | 0 | 0 | 1 | 5 | 6 |  
              | -ship | WML | 0 | 38 | 67 | 5 | 110 |  
              | EML | 27 | 1 | 0 | 3 | 31 |  Although -hed(e) forms  begin to appear in the West Midlands in sub-period II and increase slowly, they  remain few in number. Conversely, East Midland religious writings show a strong  prevalence for such derivatives from sub-period III onwards (cf. Figure 2;  absolute frequencies are given in Table 11). Consequently it can be argued that  texts from the West Midlands lag behind observable suffix developments, whereas  East Midland writings seem to propagate these changes. [6] 4. Conclusion
            To conclude, by the end of the Early Middle English period -hood was the most frequent as well as  the most productive suffix, after -ness led  the group in the first 80 years. The suffix -ship enjoyed some degree of  popularity until sub-period III, while the remaining forms only played minor  roles. Some statements made by previous scholars need to be amended in the  light of new data drawn from the Linguistic  Atlas of Early Middle English. Dalton-Puffer (1996: 129), for example,  claims on the basis of the smaller Helsinki  Corpus that -rede(n) and -lac (this includes -leikr) ‘cannot be said to compete with anything after 1250’ as  they do not occur afterwards, yet according to the present data some  competition still existed after that date, even if on a small level.  Furthermore she states that the doublets in general ‘occur practically  exclusively with de-adjectival formations’ (Dalton-Puffer 1996:126), which is contradicted by the  data offered by LAEME: over 10% of the 61 synonym sets isolated in this study  contain in fact a noun base (such as brother, fellow, foe, god, knight, lord, man, thral). Discussing dialectal  distribution, Ciszek recently merely noted that -hed(e) and -ship occur  in all areas, reserving judgment on the scarcely represented North (Ciszek 2008:  69, 107). While not technically wrong, such statements leave some revealing  developments, like those in East and West Midland religious writings, hidden  from view. The results of the present study underline the merit of  investigating the factors of time, space and text type. Together with the  assistance of recent and improved research tools such as LAEME with its  intricate tagging system and easy-to-use search function, such an approach adds  detail to previous scholarship, helping uncover new insights into historical  topics. Notes
            
              [1] Counties of origin are identified for each text unless it cannot be  localised. In LAEME as well as in this study county names before Local  Government Reorganization are employed, see map in Mills (1998: xxx). Mossé (1977:  21) shows major Middle English isoglosses outlining traditional dialect regions. 
              [2] Tests for statistical significance were not conducted since  statistically insignificant changes may be indicative of or form part of an  emerging linguistic change and as a result are significant when seen from a  wider perspective. The current investigation is embedded in a larger-scale  study on derivational patterns between the twelfth and seventeenth centuries;  any seemingly unimportant linguistic event in Early Middle English may be  relevant to later developments and should therefore be noted. 
              [3] The corpus contains parallel derivatives on bases such as false, knight and mild (-ship and -hood)  and glad, idle and mild (-ship and -ness). 
              [4] Possible bases include bright, swift and three (-hood and -ness) or false, heathen and holi (-hood and -dom).  
              [5] In sub-periods III and IV, derivations in -ship appear mostly in the West Midlands outside religious writing  as well. This probably has a skewing effect on the distribution pattern of  suffixes as shown in Tables 4.1 and 4.2, and the ‘short surge’ to sub-period  III should be interpreted as an increase in usage in this geographical area  only.    
              [6] This statement is further supported by the fact that in sub-period  V the number of derivations in -hed(e) climbs to 19 in the East Midlands, which for a subcorpus size of 2,356 words  corresponds to a normalised frequency of 80.65. Even if not taken literally,  these numbers point towards a steady increase of -hed(e) forms. Electronic referencesHelsinki Corpus of English  Texts: Diachronic and Dialectal. Compiled by Matti  Rissanen, Merja Kytö, Leena  Kahlas-Tarkka, Matti Kilpiö, Saara Nevanlinna, Irma Taavitsainen, Terttu  Nevalainen, and Helena Raumolin-Brunberg. 1991. Helsinki: Department of English, University of Helsinki. http://www.helsinki.fi/varieng/CoRD/corpora/HelsinkiCorpus/index.html. A Linguistic Atlas of Early Middle English 1150–1325 (LAEME). Compiled by Margaret Laing and Roger Lass (Edinburgh: © 2007– The University of Edinburgh). http://www.lel.ed.ac.uk/ihd/laeme2/laeme2.html. Middle English Dictionary (MED). http://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/med/. Oxford English Dictionary Online (OED). Oxford: Oxford University Press. http://www.oed.com/. Penn-Helsinki Parsed Corpus  of Middle English. Compiled by Anthony Kroch and  Ann Taylor, 2000. https://www.ling.upenn.edu/hist-corpora/PPCME2-RELEASE-4/index.html.  References
            Boffey, Julia & Anthony S. G. Edwards. 2005. A New Index of Middle English Verse. London: The British Library.
		 
		Ciszek, Ewa. 2008. Word  Derivation in Early Middle English. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.
		 
		Dalton-Puffer, Christiane. 1996. The  French Influence on Middle English Morphology. A Corpus-Based Study of  Derivation. Berlin, New  York: Mouton de Gruyter.
		 
		Dietz, Klaus. 2007. “Denominale Abstraktbildungen des Altenglischen: die  Wortbildung der Abstrakta auf -dōm, -hād, -lāc, -rǣden, -sceaft, -stæf und -wist und ihrer Entsprechungen im Althochdeutschen und im  Altnordischen”. Beiträge zur Morphologie:  Germanisch, Baltisch, Ostseefinnisch, ed. by Hans Fix, 97-172. Odense: North-Western European Language Evolution. 
		 
		Gardner, Anne. Forthcoming. “Abstract noun ‘suffixes’  and text type in Old English.” Papers from the 15th International Conference on English  Historical Linguistics (15 ICEHL), München, 24-30 August 2008, ed. by Hans Sauer,  Ursula Lenker & Judith Huber. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
		 
		Holman, Katherine. 2001. “Defining the  Danelaw.” Vikings and the Danelaw. Select  Papers from the Proceedings of the Thirteenth Viking Congress, ed. by James  Graham-Campbell, Richard Hall, Judith Jesch & David N. Parsons, 1-11.  Oxford: Oxbow Books.
		 
		Kytö, Merja. 1996. Manual to  the Diachronic Part of the Helsinki Corpus of English Texts. Coding Conventions  and Lists of Source Texts. Helsinki: Department of English, University of Helsinki. http://clu.uni.no/icame/manuals/HC/INDEX.HTM.  
		Laing, Margaret. 2008. A  Linguistic Atlas of Early Middle English. Index of Sources. http://www.lel.ed.ac.uk/ihd/laeme1/laeme1.html.
 
		Mills, A. D. 1998. A Dictionary  of English Place-Names. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
		 
		Mossé, Fernand. 1977. Mittelenglische Kurzgrammatik. Lautlehre,  Formenlehre, Syntax, translated by Herbert Pilch & Ursula Siewert. München: Max Hueber.
		 
		Severs, Jonathan Burke (Vols. 1-2),  Albert E. Hartung (Vols. 3-10) & Peter G. Beidler (Vol. 11-), eds. 1967–. A Manual  of the Writings in Middle English 1050–1500.  Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books.
		 
		Trips, Carola. 2009. Lexical  Semantics and Diachronic Morphology. The Development of -hood, -dom and -ship in the History of English. Tübingen: Max  Niemeyer.
		 
		Zbierska-Sawala, Anna. 1993. Early  Middle English Word Formation. Semantic Aspects of Derivational Affixation in  the AB Language. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.
         |  |